Judy Dempsey
{
"authors": [
"Judy Dempsey"
],
"type": "commentary",
"blog": "Strategic Europe",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe"
],
"collections": [
"Europe’s Eastern Neighborhood"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Europe",
"Eastern Europe",
"Belarus"
],
"topics": [
"Foreign Policy",
"Democracy",
"EU"
]
}Source: Getty
Belarus, the EU’s Neglected Eastern Neighbor
Protests across Belarus sparked by the country’s deteriorating economic situation are being met with studied indifference from the EU.
They are called roughnecks, a fifth column. Western intelligence services are trying to destabilize the situation in Belarus. Such are the views of Alexander Lukashenko. Since the beginning of March 2017, the president of Belarus has been confronted with demonstrations that have spread from the capital Minsk to other major cities.
According to Belsat, an independent satellite television station operating out of Warsaw but with reporters on the ground, these protests are spontaneous and special. “These demonstrations are different from previous ones,” said Agnieszka Romaszewska, director of Belsat. “They reflect a growing frustration over the deteriorating economic situation. They also reveal how Lukashenko is completely divorced from reality,” she told Carnegie Europe.
What sparked the protests was a decision by the Belarusian regime to implement a so-called parasite law. Passed in 2015, the legislation decreed that anyone who worked less than one hundred eighty-three days a year would have to pay a fee of $230 (€213).
The authorities didn’t enforce the law until 2017. When they did, the reaction was unprecedented for Belarus, a country whose Western borders straddle EU members Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland and whose Eastern neighbors are Russia and Ukraine. Young and old have taken to the streets to protest. During the first few days, the crowds were small—a few hundred. But footage from Belsat and other networks shows that people have not been afraid to speak directly to local authorities. They argue. They applaud those who speak out.
Those caught on camera complain about the authorities not listening to their grievances. They complain about increased prices, low wages, and deteriorating economic conditions. It is the economic situation that is causing so much discontent in a country known for its patience and resilience. The authorities have reacted to the demonstrations by detaining hundreds and rounding up any opposition figures. But the point about these protests is that, as Romaszewska noted, they involve “just ordinary people who are fed up with their living conditions.”
The deteriorating economy is related to Belarus’s complicated relationship with Russia. Over the past year, according to the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, the Belarusian economy has undergone “a painful adjustment and a prolonged recession.” In 2016, GDP plunged by 2.6 percent, after falling by 3.8 percent the previous year.
One of the main reasons for this sharp decline was a dispute between Belarus and Russia over the price at which Moscow should sell its oil to Minsk. That led to a reduction of oil supplies. About one-third of Belarus’s export revenues comes from refining and exporting Russian oil. Over the years, Russian subsidies have amounted to up to 20 percent of Belarus’s GDP. The knock-on effect has been a weakening of Belarus’s processing industry and its exports. In response, the authorities abolished price controls on certain important services.
At first, Moscow played down the protests and Minsk’s criticism of higher energy imports from Russia. But now, blackmail seems to be the order of the day. Russia can ill afford to have the unrest continue.
Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev told his Belarusian counterpart, Andrei Kobyakov, that no one was forcing Belarus to remain in the Eurasian Economic Union. The EEU was established by Russia and also includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan. “If some of the countries participating in the Eurasian Economic Union had not joined it, they would have to buy gas at [higher] European prices,” Medvedev said. “No one forcibly keeps anyone here [in the EEU], we did all this voluntarily,” he added. But Belarus hardly has a choice.
The reality is that Lukashenko hasn’t many options at his disposal. In the past, he has been adept at playing Russia and the EU off against each other in the hope of extracting concessions from them. The status quo always remained intact.
The EU, for its part, hasn’t been adept at dealing with Belarus. The union tried imposing sanctions, mainly on individuals, and insisted that Minsk release all political prisoners in return for the EU lifting the sanctions. As soon as the sanctions were ended in February 2016 after Minsk made some gestures, the Belarusian authorities carried out four executions.
The EU’s response to the current wave of demonstrations has been cautious. “The European Union is committed to a stable, democratic and prosperous future for Belarus, for the benefit of its people, and will continue its work with all the stakeholders with this objective firmly in mind,” the European External Action Service (EEAS) stated.
Reading between the lines, one can see the EU has no long-term strategy toward its Eastern neighbor. Russia’s goals remain unchanged: to keep Belarus in the fold of the EEU and to keep dissent to a minimum.
This time round, however, Belarusian citizens are challenging Lukashenko’s authority and room for maneuver. If he did back down by rescinding the parasite law and reintroducing subsidies, he would need financial reserves. Russia would extract a high price for granting any new loans. And assistance from the International Monetary Fund would require structural reforms. “We have no idea how this is going to end,” said Romaszewska.
About the Author
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe
- Europe Needs to Hear What America is SayingCommentary
- Babiš’s Victory in Czechia Is Not a Turning Point for European PopulistsCommentary
Judy Dempsey
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Strategic Europe
- Taking the Pulse: Is France’s New Nuclear Doctrine Ambitious Enough?Commentary
French President Emmanuel Macron has unveiled his country’s new nuclear doctrine. Are the changes he has made enough to reassure France’s European partners in the current geopolitical context?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- The EU Needs a Third Way in IranCommentary
European reactions to the war in Iran have lost sight of wider political dynamics. The EU must position itself for the next phase of the crisis without giving up on its principles.
Richard Youngs
- Global Instability Makes Europe More Attractive, Not LessCommentary
Europe isn’t as weak in the new geopolitics of power as many would believe. But to leverage its assets and claim a sphere of influence, Brussels must stop undercutting itself.
Dimitar Bechev
- Europe on Iran: Gone with the WindCommentary
Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.
Pierre Vimont
- Taking the Pulse: Can European Defense Survive the Death of FCAS?Commentary
France and Germany’s failure to agree on the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) raises questions about European defense. Amid industrial rivalries and competing strategic cultures, what does the future of European military industrial projects look like?
Rym Momtaz, ed.