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Source: Getty

In The Media

Nuclear Security After Fukushima

As the U.S. government expands its efforts to trim the federal budget, the devastation and global fears caused by Japan’s nuclear disaster clearly demonstrate the importance of continued funding for nuclear security.

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By Toby Dalton
Published on Apr 13, 2011
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Nuclear Policy

The Nuclear Policy Program aims to reduce the risk of nuclear war. Our experts diagnose acute risks stemming from technical and geopolitical developments, generate pragmatic solutions, and use our global network to advance risk-reduction policies. Our work covers deterrence, disarmament, arms control, nonproliferation, and nuclear energy.

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Source: Hill

Nuclear Security After FukushimaThe devastating and immediate effects of the March 11 tsunami on the six reactors at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station are now well known, though events are still playing out and even more dangerous radiation leakages may yet occur. The global panic resulting from this disaster is a stark reminder that nuclear power, as opposed to more conventional means of generating electricity, still confronts a range of thorny issues, including safety and security, that prevents more widespread adoption.

Though the specter of a global nuclear catastrophe will remain in the public consciousness for years to come, the more surprising reality is how few serious nuclear accidents have occurred relative to how widely nuclear reactors and nuclear warheads have been deployed worldwide.

In the case of Japan, casualties from the earthquake and tsunami will be exponentially greater than those caused by radiation exposure. But we have been lucky. There have been numerous near misses, ranging from a reactor criticality incident in Japan and radiation leaks in India to the U.S. B-52 bomber accident that resulted in the release — but thankfully not detonation — of four nuclear bombs over Palomares, Spain, in 1966.

Continued good fortune is not something policymakers should count on, and it is certainly no substitute for sound and forward-looking nuclear policy.

While reactor safety has returned to the forefront of nuclear concerns, efforts to promote stronger security of nuclear assets worldwide are equally if not more critical. As bad as the Fukushima disaster is, imagine the consequences for public confidence if it had been caused by terrorists rather than nature. Nuclear industry may yet recover from this latest setback, but a future nuclear incident involving terrorism would in all probability be the final nail in the coffin of the recently nascent nuclear renaissance.

The April 2010 Nuclear Security Summit in Washington brought attention to this issue at the highest levels of the 47 governments represented. A second summit will be held next year in Korea. The commitments contained in the summit communiqués are important, but the really critical work is done away from the limelight.

The promotion of sound practices globally falls on the shoulders of a few nuclear security programs managed by the departments of Defense, Energy and State. Through these programs, U.S. experts have trained and equipped counterparts in nearly 100 countries to account for, control and protect nuclear materials at their source and in transit; to detect and interdict attempts to smuggle nuclear materials and technologies, and to develop and implement effective nuclear export controls. These programs also coordinate and sponsor joint exercises through efforts such as the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism.

The probability of nuclear terrorism, like any nuclear accident, is very, very low. But the consequences would be extremely grave. The absence to date of terrorist use of nuclear materials or even sabotage of a nuclear reactor does not prove that U.S. efforts have reduced that probability to zero. Fukushima has raised concerns about whether nuclear power is safe for the world, but the more demanding question is whether the world is safe enough for nuclear power. In this context, nuclear security programs such as these will continue to be vital and are deserving of continued, bipartisan congressional support.

The administration has requested $1.9 billion in fiscal year 2012 for nuclear security programs, including those activities mentioned above. This is an increase of nearly $200 million over the FY 2010-enacted levels, but about $100 million less than the FY11 request. Assessed in the context of an accident like Fukushima, however, this total is a fraction of the remediation costs (early estimates suggest tens of billions of dollars) and a very small percentage of total economic losses (in the hundreds of billions). Considering the potential economic, not to mention the physical and psychological, consequences of a terrorist attack in a major U.S. city involving nuclear materials, the annual price tag for these nuclear security programs is relatively trivial.

If nuclear power is not perceived by the public as safe and secure, no amount of political or financial support will lead to growth in nuclear electricity production. In times of tight budgets, there are tradeoffs to be made. In light of the devastation and global fears caused by Japan’s nuclear disaster, however, nuclear security is one priority that should not be compromised.

About the Author

Toby Dalton

Senior Fellow and Co-director, Nuclear Policy Program

Toby Dalton is a senior fellow and co-director of the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment. An expert on nonproliferation and nuclear energy, his work addresses regional security challenges and the evolution of the global nuclear order.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Promoting Responsible Nuclear Energy Conduct: An Agenda for International Cooperation

      Ariel (Eli) Levite, Toby Dalton

  • Research
    A New Era of Nuclear-Powered Submarines Is Making Waves in Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones
      • +5

      Toby Dalton, Jamie Kwong, Ryan A. Musto, …

Toby Dalton
Senior Fellow and Co-director, Nuclear Policy Program
Toby Dalton
Nuclear PolicyNuclear EnergyNorth AmericaUnited StatesEast AsiaJapan

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

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