• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Judy Dempsey"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Russia",
    "Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Europe

Berlin Needs a Security Strategy

Criticizing President Vladimir Putin's Russia is one thing. Doing something about it is another. And that is Germany's, and Europe's, problem.

Link Copied
By Judy Dempsey
Published on Nov 26, 2012

Source: New York Times

Over the past few weeks, German government officials have been trying to come up with a strategy for Russia. I have written recently about Berlin’s strained relations with Moscow and refer again to the issue in my latest Letter From Europe.

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s center-right coalition has found it difficult to deal with Russia under President Vladimir V. Putin. She dislikes him, which she has made plain during news conferences and a recent podium discussion in Moscow earlier this month.

At one point during the discussion hosted by the Petersburg Dialogue, Ms. Merkel spoke her mind. She clearly had had enough of Mr. Putin’s clampdown on the media and intimidation of editors that dare criticize his increasingly autocratic leadership style.

‘‘If I were offended every time I was criticized, I wouldn’t last three days as chancellor,’’ Ms. Merkel said. That did not elicit any response.

Criticizing Mr. Putin’s Russia is one thing. Doing something about it is another. And that is Germany’s, and Europe’s problem.

Because Germany is Russia’s biggest trading partner and because Germany is the most important country in the E.U. by virtue of its size and economy, Berlin needs a security strategy. It would explain, among other things, Germany’s national interests, the role of its armed forces and the connection between interests and values. Yet Germany has no security strategy or doctrine.

This is very unsettling for Germany’s E.U. partners and NATO allies. Neither organization knows where they stand with Germany over basic questions such as strategy, say diplomats. A security strategy would also make clear to Russia where Germany would draw the line.

Thomas de Maizière, Germany’s defense minister, who was Ms. Merkel’s chief of staff from 2005 to 2009, may now try to fill this vacuum.

In a lengthy guest column last week in the daily Frankfurter Rundschau, Mr. de Maizière said it was high time that Germany had a debate about international security and about the role of the Bundeswehr, Germany’s armed forces, in international missions.

‘‘As defense minister I ask myself why we don’t discuss German defense and security policy in schools, universities, churches or any other public forums.’’

It is not certain he will take this further in the coming months as the countdown to the German federal elections begin in earnest. It means that Europe — and Russia — will have to wait until after September 2013 for Berlin to come up a security doctrine, if indeed it will even do that.

This article originally appeared in the New York Times.

About the Author

Judy Dempsey

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Judy Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Germany’s Shattered Consensus

      Judy Dempsey

  • Commentary
    Europe Needs to Hear What America is Saying

      Judy Dempsey

Judy Dempsey
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Judy Dempsey
Foreign PolicyRussiaEurope

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Two men speaking
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Who Puts Guardrails on AI?

    Why governance of rapidly evolving technology will be distributed and complex.

      Stewart Patrick, Scott Singer

  • Trump walking toward Xi, both with arms extended to shake hands
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The U.S. and China Need an AI Hotline. Here’s How to Build It.

    It should address the shortcomings of previous crisis communication efforts and adapt to the demands of frontier AI.

      • Lucy Luo

      Lucy Luo

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Leaving Russian-Speakers Without Representation Is a Risk for Latvia

    If the Russian-speaking community in Latvia cannot articulate their interests without being seen as disloyal, they could end up embracing a pro-Kremlin agenda.

      Sergejs Potapkins

  • Soldiers standing behind barbed wire
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The UN Isn’t Declining. It’s Decomposing.

    Washington’s decision to support some UN functions while letting others wither is pulling the organization apart at the seams.

      Stewart Patrick, Theodore Zaritsky

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Does the EU Have a Germany Problem?

    Are Germany’s economic, industrial, and political struggles becoming a liability for the EU’s ability to rise to the geopolitical moment?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.