• Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Europe logoCarnegie lettermark logo
EUUkraine
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Yukon Huang"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie China",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "U.S.-China Relations"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [
    "Asia",
    "American Statecraft"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "East Asia",
    "China"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economy",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Trade"
  ]
}
In The Media
Carnegie China

America’s Trade Deficit With China Doesn’t Matter

Bilateral trade balances alone aren’t an accurate reflection of a country’s economic strength.

Link Copied
By Yukon Huang
Published on Mar 21, 2017

Source: Wall Street Journal

The recent failure of G-20 financial leaders to reaffirm their support for free trade illustrates the chasm between the views of the U.S. and the other major economies. The White House sees the U.S. trade deficit as impeding economic growth and prefers taking a bilateral approach to trade imbalances. This includes protectionist options such as dropping the Trans-Pacific Partnership, renegotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement and de-emphasizing the World Trade Organization. This line of reasoning is misguided.

America’s overall trade balance has little to do with the bilateral deficits of any specific country, even China. Bilateral trade balances don’t matter. What matters is a country’s overall trade balance.

Consider a simple three-country world. Country A sells something to country B, country B sells something of similar value to country C and country C sells something of similar value to country A. Each country has a bilateral surplus or deficit with the other two, but overall each country’s trade is balanced.

Moreover, a country’s trade balance doesn’t depend on whether its trade regime is relatively open or protected. Brazil and India have highly protected trade systems but incur persistent deficits. Germany and Singapore have relatively open economies yet generate large trade surpluses.

The link between trade deficits and growth is also tenuous at best. Rapidly growing economies often experience trade deficits because surging consumption requires more imports, while a stagnant economy has less need for imports.

Donald Trump’s trade advisors get it wrong when they inappropriately use the basic GDP accounting identity, which indicates that gross domestic product is the sum of consumption, investment and exports minus imports. They argue that if exports are increased, or imports decreased, GDP will increase. This tells us nothing about the secondary consequences of changes.

Simply levying higher tariffs to reduce imports would also cause firms to curb their purchases, leaving overall GDP unchanged. Alternatively, a country-specific tax would cause firms to buy from another country, altering the source of the imports but not its value.

Persistent trade deficits reflect a range of structural and macroeconomic policies. For one, trade-deficit countries aren’t saving enough relative to investment needs, while trade-surplus countries are saving too much.

America’s low savings rate is the consequence of its large budget deficits and households spending beyond their means. But a country’s savings rate isn’t independent of the savings rates of its trading partners.

China’s high savings rate over the past decade led to huge capital flows to the U.S. This helped drive down interest rates, making it easier for the U.S. government and households to borrow. The resulting decline in net savings then shows up in America’s persistent trade deficits, as net savings are equal to net exports.

The pattern is exacerbated because the U.S. is the preferred global safe-haven for capital flows. This boosts the value of the dollar, making it virtually impossible for the U.S. to avoid running a trade deficit.

From this perspective, America’s trade deficit has little to do with alleged unfair trade practices and more with the unique role of the dollar. This gives the U.S. the “exorbitant privilege” of running deficits with impunity.

Compare, for example, the trade balance of the U.S. with that of the European Union and China. Both the U.S. and EU in 2015 had significant bilateral trade deficits with China, contributing to China’s overall trade surplus of $600 billion. What is striking is that the EU has an overall surplus of $93 billion, while the U.S. has an overall deficit of $811 billion.

Back in 2010, however, the EU had an overall trade deficit. Its shift to a surplus has been facilitated by a sharp fall in the euro—which improved its trade balance—and to member countries such as Greece, Italy, Spain and the U.K. which tightened their budgets after the financial crisis.

These shifts illustrate the complex interactions of differing policies across countries. Bilateral trade balances alone aren’t an accurate reflection of evolving economic strengths.

The irony is that a U.S. trade deficit will likely continue to increase, as the U.S. is further along in its economic recovery compared with the EU, and the dollar remains overvalued. In contrast, China’s trade surplus is likely to increase as its prolonged growth slowdown depresses imports while its exports rebound with stronger U.S. growth.

This piece was originally published in the Wall Street Journal.

Yukon Huang
Senior Fellow, Asia Program
Yukon Huang
EconomyForeign PolicyTradeNorth AmericaUnited StatesEast AsiaChina

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Europe

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is It Time for Europe to Reengage With Belarus?

    In return for a trade deal and the release of political prisoners, the United States has lifted sanctions on Belarus, breaking the previous Western policy consensus. Should Europeans follow suit, using their leverage to extract concessions from Lukashenko, or continue to isolate a key Kremlin ally?

      Thomas de Waal, ed.

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The EU and India in Tandem

    As European leadership prepares for the sixteenth EU-India Summit, both sides must reckon with trade-offs in order to secure a mutually beneficial Free Trade Agreement.

      Dinakar Peri

  • Trump speaking to a room of reporters
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Unpacking Trump’s National Security Strategy

    Carnegie scholars examine the crucial elements of a document that’s radically different than its predecessors.

      • Cecily Brewer
      • +18

      James M. Acton, Saskia Brechenmacher, Cecily Brewer, …

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe Faces the Gone-Rogue Doctrine

    The hyper-personalized new version of global sphere-of-influence politics that Donald Trump wants will fail, as it did for Russia. In the meantime, Europe must still deal with a disruptive former ally determined to break the rules.

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    Europe’s American Predicament

    Between Greenland and U.S. interference in Europe’s democracies, transatlantic relations risk rising to an unprecedented level of crisis. Amid continued arguments on how Brussels should react, tough times lie ahead for European leaders.

      Marc Pierini

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
Carnegie Europe logo, white
Rue du Congrès, 151000 Brussels, Belgium
  • Research
  • Strategic Europe
  • About
  • Experts
  • Projects
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Gender Equality Plan
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Europe
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.