Source: Carnegie
Originally appeared in the International
Herald Tribune, February 18, 2003
While world leaders are preoccupied with Iraq and North Korea, relations between
South Asia's nuclear rivals are deteriorating. India recently expelled Pakistan's
acting ambassador in New Delhi, accusing him of funneling money to anti-India
politicians in Kashmir. Pakistan retaliated by expelling the most senior Indian
diplomat in Islamabad. The two neighbors are now left with low-level diplomatic
contact.
Meanwhile, Indian and U.S. officials have accused Pakistan of reviving the
flow of militants into Indian-controlled territory after several months of restraint
that followed the threat of war last year. If this pattern of hostility continues,
it is likely that Indian and Pakistani forces will again be involved in eyeball-to-eyeball
confrontation when the spring thaw in the Himalayas makes fighting possible.
The United States has periodically engaged in shuttle diplomacy to keep the
two nuclear-armed rivals from going to war, most notably in 2002, when both
sides mobilized more than a million troops along their 2,000-kilometer frontier
after a failed terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament. But the region needs
a sustained peace process. Without it, the cycle of bluster and violence could
escalate to unpredictable levels.
Frustrated by its inability to secure an Indian commitment to negotiate the
future of Kashmir, Pakistan could continue down the slippery slope of using
Islamic militancy as an instrument of policy. Sufficiently provoked, India could
decide to follow Israel's example of dealing with the Palestinians or the U.S.
example of dealing with Iraq.
The problem, of course, is that Pakistan is neither as weak as the Palestinians
nor as vulnerable as Iraq. It has a sizable arsenal of nuclear weapons and a
demonstrated ballistic missile capability. It is also a strategically located
American ally.
At the heart of the conflict is mutual suspicion that each country wants to
divide and destroy the other. Pakistan lives in dread of being "erased
from the world map" - a phrase used by India's defense minister recently
to describe what would happen in the event of nuclear war. Both sides refuse
to seek a long-term solution to their pathological antipathy.
Before initiating a peace process, the United States should try to prevent
an arms race. Pakistan has re-entered the international arms market as a buyer.
India wants to expand the overwhelming superiority in conventional weapons that
it already enjoys.
From 1997 to 2001, India was the fifth largest importer of arms in the world,
after Taiwan, China, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. India has several major deals
in the works with the United States, Russia, Israel and France that could make
it the second biggest arms importer. In addition, India's Defense Research and
Development Organization is engaged in indigenous development of weapons and
systems. Economic problems limit Pakistan's ability to match India's arsenal.
Pakistan's defense budget stands at around $3.3 billion, which is $10 billion
less than India's. Of course, India has security concerns beyond Pakistan, notably
in relation to China, whereas Pakistan's defense is primarily India-specific.
China, which supplies one-third of Pakistan's weapons, finds it useful to help
Pakistan in keeping India bogged down in South Asia.
But in the absence of dialogue or a sustained peace process, India's decision
to enlarge the military imbalance is driving hard-liners in Pakistan to press
for further support of Islamic militants in Kashmir.
Some experts in India have argued that India should spend Pakistan into the
ground, much as the United States crippled the Soviet Union. Because Pakistan
has a much smaller economy, it cannot compete with India weapon system for weapon
system, so it relies on nuclear deterrence and unconventional warfare. The one
area where it has competed successfully, and possibly even managed parity, is
in nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. India's secular identity and the
evolution of Islamic Pakistan toward sustainable democracy are being undermined
by their military rivalry and tension. Security concerns have made Pakistan's
military stronger than other national institutions and independent of civilian
control. Hindu chauvinism directed against religious minorities, especially
Muslims, is on the rise in India.
The growing power of Islamists in Pakistan and Hindu ideologues in India makes
the region more dangerous, adding to the list of reasons why the United States
and other concerned powers should give it more constructive attention.