Pieter Bottelier
{
"authors": [
"Pieter Bottelier"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "AP",
"programs": [
"Asia"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"East Asia",
"China"
],
"topics": [
"Economy",
"Trade"
]
}Source: Getty
How China Sees Its Currency
Understanding that the renminbi became undervalued because of expansionary monetary policy in the United States in 2003 helps explain why Chinese economists and political leaders have a differerent interpretation of the currency issue than Americans.
Source: The New York Times

The initial burst of China’s trade surplus, which had never been significant before, came on the heels of the sharp monetary expansion in the United States (and to a much lesser extent in some European Union countries) that was triggered by the switch to budget deficits in the early George W. Bush years. The Greenspan Fed’s interest rate cuts after the Nasdaq collapse and 9/11 also played a role.
China was the only major exporter that could and did respond quickly to the sharp increase in global demand driven by the massive credit expansion in the United States. In other words, China’s surplus exploded not because of anything China did with its exchange rate – it did nothing – but because of an explosion in external demand led by credit expansion in the United States.
When China fixed the nominal renminbi/dollar exchange rate at 8.27 in December 1997 — after the financial collapse of South Korea and contrary to international expectations of a renminbi devaluation — gaining an unfair trade advantage was clearly not China’s objective. If anything, the renminbi was slightly overvalued at 8.27.
China was applauded by Asian neighbors and by the U.S. Treasury for what it did at that time. It made the renminbi into a regional anchor currency, which helped the crisis economies in East Asia to overcome their economic and financial problems more quickly that otherwise would have been possible.
There were no international complaints about China’s fixed-exchange rate policy until the second half of 2003. Then, once the renminbi became undervalued, new dynamics set in.
Chinese officials were reluctant for a long time to admit that there was a problem with the exchange rate for several reasons: (a) they did not believe that the increased trade surplus was structural in nature, and (b) they did not want to reward the speculators who had found ways of bringing large amounts of “hot” money into the country, mainly to invest in the booming property markets of the big cities. They were also reluctant to respond to international political pressure led by the U.S.
If you accept this perspective on the question of how and when the renminbi became undervalued, you’ll understand better why almost all Chinese economists and political leaders sharply differ with American economists and political leaders in the interpretation of the currency issue as it stands today.
About the Author
Former Nonresident Scholar, International Economics Program
Bottelier was a nonresident scholar in Carnegie’s International Economics Program and senior adjunct professor of China studies at the School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), the Johns Hopkins University. His work currently focuses on China’s economic reform and development.
- China's Economy is Slowly Becoming More NormalArticle
- China's Economy: Slower Growth, But Structural Reforms ProgressingArticle
Pieter Bottelier
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- The Two Logics Driving Japan’s Security PolicyArticle
Japan’s revision of its three strategic documents reflects an intention to keep the United States engaged in the region while Japan fills any vacuums of U.S. power to preserve the Indo-Pacific order.
Ryo Sahashi
- Caught in the Middle: Chinese Biotech Firms’ Divergent Responses to U.S. SanctionsCommentary
Chinese biotech companies have been on the receiving end of U.S. economic coercion. Yet their responses have differed significantly because firm and state interests are not uniformly aligned. For Washington, treating all Chinese tech firms the same, irrespective of their actual interests, risks pushing them farther into Beijing’s corner.
Xue Gong
- Inside the Global Race to Erode a Battery Manufacturing MonopolyCommentary
Over the past decade, China has moved from marginal player to major producer of all things batteries. The United States, Europe, and others are aiming to balance the market.
Milo McBride
- A Geothermal and Nuclear Strategy for the U.S. International Development Finance CorporationPaper
The DFC should focus on advanced, low-carbon energy sources, prioritizing areas where the United States has comparative advantages.
Noah Gordon, Liana Schmitter-Emerson
- Why Korea’s President Skipped Washington for Silicon Valley and BrasíliaCommentary
Lee’s tour shows how Seoul is reorganizing its diplomacy away from Pyongyang and toward industrial networks and the geography of the compute economy.
Darcie Draudt-Véjares