Source: Equilibri
Russia: Will Ethnic Violence Ever End?The ethnic composition of the Russian Federation has always been very complex and diverse. Yet, a ‘race crime tsunami’ hit Russia in the past few years. Riots, murders and widespread racist sentiments hinder the efforts of the authorities to fulfill some of the main objectives of the country. The government has recently increased legal punishments for crimes related to racism and xenophobia but this might not be the most effective solution. Russian citizens need a renewed sense of national identity that embraces the variety of ethnic and religious groups in the Federation.
Context: ethnic tensions in contemporary Russia
The population of Russia was 142,905,200 as per the preliminary results of the 2010 Census. Ethnic Russians make up 80% of the total population, followed by Tatars (3.8%), Ukrainians (2%), Bashkir (1.1%), Chauvash (1.1%), Chechens (0.9%) and Armenians (0.8%) for a total of 160 different ethnic groups and indigenous peoples. Although Russian is the common official language, understood by 99% of its current population, there are more than 100 languages spoken in Russia. The religious composition is also very diverse. Over 80% of Russians citizens have identified themselves as Orthodox and 6% as Muslim.
The roots of such a complex national question lie in the historical legacy of the Tsarist Empire and the USSR. Since the times of Ivan the Terrible, Russia was not a mono-ethnic and Orthodox state. Yuri Pivovarov, in a recent interview to Novaya Gazeta, declared that Russian nationalism in the Empire was always comparatively weak and derivative. Likewise, during the Soviet Union nationalism of the aggressive and violent type was not influential. Latent interethnic tensions were subjugated and frozen by Soviet elites.
Interestingly, one of the core doctrinal principles of the Soviet Union was epitomized by the idea of the ‘Soviet Man’ (новый советский человек). The New Soviet Man or New Soviet person represented the archetype of a person irrespective of the country's cultural, ethnic, and linguistic diversity, creating a single Soviet people. In contrast, the abrupt collapse of the USSR was followed by a sudden awakening of aggressive nationalisms. This trend still persists and it is reflected in popular protests that often escalate into riots and fuel increased alienation.
After the mass riots in December the symptoms of the social unrests in Russia have not disappeared. The national question remains one of the most serious problems afflicting contemporary Russian society. A nationalist rally was scheduled for February 11 in Manege Square in Moscow. Large forces of police and interior troops tried to prevent it, nevertheless nearly 1000 people gathered in the adjacent territory. Similarly, a “Russian March” – sanctioned by the authorities - was held in Volgograd. More than 300 members belonging to different nationalist associations marched through the streets. Stanislav Terentyev, one of the organizers of the action, explained the stand of the demonstrators to a reporter of the Caucasian Knot 1: “Today the word ‘Russian’ is missing in the Constitution.” Amongst their request there is the introduction of visa regime with the countries of the Caucasus and Central Asia and the deportation of all illegal immigrants.
Only in February 2011, at least 4 convictions were given for xenophobic propaganda. In March, at least 1 person was killed and 3 injured across Russia in attacks by neo-Nazis. Violent incidents were recorded in Moscow (1 injured) and St. Petersburg (2 injured and 1 dead). According to data available to SOVA Center, this brings the year-to-date tally of neo-Nazi victims to 32, including 9 deaths. These numbers do not include victims of brawls involving larger numbers of people, or victims of incidents in the North Caucasus.
The continuous violence is arguably a symptom of a permanent cold interethnic “civil war” that in some regions acquired the character of a hot conflict (i.e. North Caucasus). Nationalism Russian-style is ideologically immature and it seems ready to bind together the growing social discontent among different strata and age groups.
How effective are efforts to tackle multiculturalism?
Tackling multiculturalism is one of the most severe challenges that face contemporary governments. Ethnic divisions provoke deep fractures in societies that might transmute into serious claims for separatism and extreme nationalist sentiments.
Both as an ideology and as a political and educational program, multiculturalism first arose, as Van Der Berghe suggests, in North America, starting in the 1980s and it soon spread to Europe, Israel and other societies. It is becoming the politically correct solution to ethnic heterogeneity, the answer to a quest for democracy in diversity. Nationalism, on the other hand, as defined by Cederman, Wimmer and Min, is a political principle that demands that the unit of governance and the nation should be congruent. Policy makers and scholars have struggled to move away from a strict adherence to the nation-state concept towards a more embracing multiculturalism in society and the political agenda. In short, a multinational democracy differs from a liberal democracy since it decouples the concept of nation and of state, and only recognizes that the state in question is not ethnically homogeneous.
Soviet/Russian authorities have attempted to move towards multiculturalism by disjoining the terms ‘rossisky’ and ‘russky’. The former definition refers to a civic concept that aims at embracing all citizens of the Russian Federation - and Soviet Union before 1991. The term ‘russky’, on the other hand, describes the specific ethnic connotation for those who are ethnically Russians only. Notably, the composition of the current Russian government reflects to some extent the ethnic heterogeneity of the country. The Minister of the Interior of the Russian Federation, Rashid Nurgaliyev was born in Kazakhstan; Elvira Nabiullina, current Minister of Economics was born is Ufa the capital of the Republic of Bashkortostan. Nevertheless, ethnic tensions continue.
In 2007, a video appeared on ultranationalist websites under the title “The Execution of a Tajik and a Dagestani,” showing two dark-skinned men kneeling in front of a Nazi flag. The two men say, “Russian national-socialists have arrested us,” before masked men beheaded one and shot the other. One year later, in 2008, they still were not convicted but the kid who first posted the video was condemned to one year in prison.
Punishments for crimes related to xenophobia and racism related crimes became more severe since then. On April 20, 2011, the Russian government dismissed Konstantin Poltoranin, who served as Press Secretary for the Federal Migration Service. Poltoranin was immediately fired after raising concern over the "survival of the white race" and making a statement about the proper "mixing of blood" during an interview with the BBC's Russian language service.
Yet, the most effective way to contain the tidal wave of ethnic violence should not rely exclusively on legal grounds. The solution entails a more radical and profound re-evaluation of Russian national identity.
‘Russian question’ still unsolved?
The collapse of the Soviet Union dramatically changed the lives and fates of many people. Millions of people that considered themselves citizens of the same Union of Soviet States were suddenly divided by political borders. The policies adopted at this regard have arguably achieved mixed results given the continuous social tension. Peace and security in the post-Soviet space require a coherent approach to building a nation-state.
As Igor Zevelev argues, the inconsistent and confused relations between Moscow and the ethnic republics of the Russian Federation, and the moderate and sometimes wholly ineffective policy towards ethnic Russians living in the “near abroad,” do more to support peace and security in the post-soviet space than do attempts to develop a coherent approach to building a nation-state.
Many Russians, and especially young generations, lack a clear set of principles that define their national identity and embraces the current ethnic diversity. Expressions like “inner abroad” (Caucasian Republics) denote the existence of unsettled geographical and ideological borders. ‘Imaginary borders’ or ‘imaginary communities’ are thus dangerously created.
Conclusion
The Russian Federation is both a resurgent power in the international arena and a key partner for the US and EU. None the less, the country is afflicted by numerous issues that could undermine its long-term goals such as modernization. In particular, the increasing nationalist and xenophobic sentiments not directed only against foreigners but also other citizens of the Russian Federation trigger remarkable social tensions. The ideological vacuum created after the collapse of the Soviet Union was exacerbated by ambiguous and inconsistent policies. The Soviet ideology that encompassed diverse ethnic groups needs to be efficiently replaced by a more updated sense of national identity and ontological security.
1. The Caucasian Knot is an independent electronic mass medium founded in 2001 by the International Society "Memorial" and operating under the aegis of the Information Agency "MEMO.RU".
Marzia Cimmino is an intern at the Carnegie Moscow Center.