• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Uri Dadush"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "Western Europe",
    "Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economy",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "EU"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

The Three-Speed World is Not Forever

Although the United States weathered the global recession relatively better than its European counterparts, it is not as strong as it looks and Europe’s long-term prospects are better than its current dismal performance suggests.

Link Copied
By Uri Dadush
Published on May 3, 2013

Source: L'Espresso

Now it’s official. According to the International Monetary Fund in coming years we will live in a three speed world: emerging markets surging, the United States recovering, and Europe languishing.

How come the United States, the home of Lehman brothers, is emerging from the gigantic financial crisis it originated while Europe still struggles with its after-shocks? The answer is that the US was able to count on smart policies, strong institutions, and good luck, and all three have regrettably been in short supply in Europe. But the US is not as strong as it looks, and Europe’s long-term prospects are better than its current dismal performance suggests.

The US, unlike Europe, was able to impart a large fiscal stimulus during the worst of the crisis and its monetary expansion was also very aggressive. American Federal Institutions, which don't exist in Europe,  stepped in to save the banks without relying on the support of individual states, whereas countries such as Ireland and Spain had to foot their own enormous banking rescue bills and markets lost faith in their sovereign. In the US, highly flexible labor and housing markets adjusted very quickly to the collapse of demand through wage moderation and declining house prices, while banks quickly recognized their bad loans, restructured their balance sheet and are now lending again. In Europe all these adjustments are taking much longer.

Whereas the European periphery became very uncompetitive in the wake of the post-Euro boom, American unit labor costs fell steadily compared to trading partners over the last two decades at least, a result of fairly rapid productivity growth, falling real wages, and a relatively weak US dollar. So export expansion and import compression have helped reignite American growth, but have been a far less visible force in most of Europe (Germany being a notable exception). Luck helps the strong, as the saying goes, and the US is now also enjoying a boom in production of unconventional oil and gas. New “fracking” technologies are expected to add several points of GDP to the US economy, further improve manufacturing competitiveness, and make the US self-sufficient in energy.

These strengths are being translated in improved confidence of US consumers and investors. After many years of postponement the demand for houses, cars, and many consumer durables, is surging again. House prices are rising, household debt levels are falling and people feel they can start spending again. The recent big and chaotic government budget cuts (the reversing of fiscal stimulus) do not seem to have dampened the optimism.

Does this mean that we can stop worrying about the US and lose hope in Europe? No and no. The massive American monetary expansion will not be easy to reverse when the time comes to do so. And very little has been done to address the US economy’s structural weaknesses. The extraordinarily costly and inefficient health care system, which absorbs about 8% more of US GDP than in Europe for worse health outcomes (the life expectancy of Americans is 3.4 years less than in Italy, for example) is the most important weakness by far. The savings rates of US households are among the lowest in the world, an important reason the US has a relatively low rate of investment and runs a chronic current account deficit. And the US has the highest rate of income inequality in the advanced countries, as well as a 15% poverty rate, big reasons behind the profound political divisions that are making its governance border on the dysfunctional.

Europe’s structural weaknesses also run deep, of course, mainly related to its half-built currency union and the rigidity of its labor and services markets. But the institutions needed at the centre of Europe are slowly being built, competitiveness is improving in much of the periphery (not in Italy, alas), and important reforms are happening in areas ranging from pension systems to labor markets.

Europe needs to move faster. If it does, one day we may find that the IMF’s three speed world was just a temporary phase, a bat of the eye lashes of economic history.  

This article was originally published in L'Espresso.

About the Author

Uri Dadush

Former Senior Associate, International Economics Program

Dadush was a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. He focuses on trends in the global economy and is currently tracking developments in the eurozone crisis.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    The Labors of Tsipras

      Uri Dadush

  • In The Media
    Greece, Complacency, and the Euro

      Uri Dadush

Uri Dadush
Former Senior Associate, International Economics Program
Uri Dadush
EconomyForeign PolicyEUNorth AmericaUnited StatesWestern EuropeEurope

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Emissary
    The Iran War Is Uncovering the Weakness in U.S.-Gulf Ties

    Neither the Abraham Accords nor the presence of large U.S. bases are enough to protect Arab Gulf states.

      Marwan Muasher

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Afghanistan–Pakistan War Poses Awkward Questions for Russia

    Not only does the fighting jeopardize regional security, it undermines Russian attempts to promote alternatives to the Western-dominated world order.

      Ruslan Suleymanov

  • Article
    Rewiring the South Caucasus: TRIPP and the New Geopolitics of Connectivity

    The U.S.-sponsored TRIPP deal is driving the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process forward. But foreign and domestic hurdles remain before connectivity and economic interdependence can open up the South Caucasus.

      • Areg Kochinyan

      Thomas de Waal, Areg Kochinyan, Zaur Shiriyev

  • U.S. President Donald Trump (C) oversees "Operation Epic Fury" with (L-R) Central Intelligence Agency Director John Ratcliffe, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles at Mar-a-Lago on February 28, 2026 in Palm Beach, Florida. President Trump announced today that the United States and Israel had launched strikes on Iran targeting political and military leaders, as well as Iran’s ballistic missile and nuclear programs. (Photo by Daniel Torok/White House via Getty Images)
    Paper
    Operation Epic Fury and the International Law on the Use of Force

    Assessing U.S. compliance with the international laws of war is essential at a time when these frameworks are already fraying.

      • Federica D'Alessandra

      Federica D’Alessandra

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Is France Shifting Rightward?

    The far right failed to win big in France’s municipal elections. But that’s not good news for the country’s left wing, which remained disunited while the broader right consolidated its momentum ahead of the 2027 presidential race.

      Catherine Fieschi

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.