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Preventing an inadvertent nuclear disaster on the Korean Peninsula will depend not only on Kim Jong Un upgrading his nuclear software but on the United States better understanding the choices and circumstances that have driven North Korea’s nuclear posture.
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War. It was initially a civil war that gradually evolved into an international conflict, during which the Soviet Union and China supported North Korea.
Amanda Carpenter, Charlie Cook, and Jen Psaki sit down with Aaron David Miller to preview the first U.S. presidential debate and analyze how voters, candidates, and presidents think about U.S. foreign policy.
What model for nuclear disarmament might a nuclear-armed state demand of its adversaries and accept for itself? If states were to commit to dismantle their nuclear arsenals, what would be the key benchmarks for assessing the progressive implementation of such a commitment?
A just, enduring peace is possible on the Korean Peninsula, but it’s not going to happen just because political leaders decide to formally end the Korean conflict.
While North Korea’s economy is suffering greatly under the combined pressure of sanctions and border closures because of COVID-19, by escalating tensions it puts pressure on South Korea to grant concessions and frames it to a domestic audience as responsible for North Korea's economic situation.
When North Korea wants a crisis on the peninsula, it does not allow a peace process with the U.S. president to get in the way.
The recently released Korea Net Assessment addresses the gap between strategic realities and political assessments on the issues most important to Korean security: North Korea’s military threat, the health of the alliance, and South Korean relations with China and Japan.
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