More specifically, Washington should not let this new frame of "great power rivalry," which Middle East autocracies have heartily welcomed and exploited, distract it from scrutinizing the behavior of these regimes at home and from helping the region's citizens and societies address the socio-economic and political problems they face now and in the coming decades.
The move to block Finland’s and Sweden’s bids threatens the relationship between Ankara and the West.
Ultimately the EU should consider its relationship with India in the larger Indo-Pacific context and, for the moment, place any unhappiness at India’s position on Ukraine to one side.
Three countries (Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova) are working their way towards accession to the EU, their clear European choice a thorn in Russia's side. In an effort to extend his sphere of influence, Russian President Vladimir Putin is de-facto occupying territory in all three countries.
It is not 9/11, Americans aren't being killed, and in this case not being deployed to combat but early polls suggest that most of our fellow citizens are actually paying quite a bit of attention to Ukraine.
Looking ahead, the implications of the vicious dynamics experienced in the Russo-Ukrainian War implore us to rethink strategy for conflict. In particular, leaders must consider the likely societal reactions to rhetoric and coercion, leveraged and amplified as they are by modern instruments of popular indoctrination and mobilization.
The nuclear-armed SLCMs would not be buildable until the early 2030s, so there is time for serious debate.
“It’s not so clear how we’re going to get out of this.”
So it seems pertinent to ask: If we in the West are able to recognize and empathize with Ukrainian Muslims’ plight and struggle, surely we might do the same for our own Muslim populations at home, and others further afield?
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