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  "authors": [
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Source: Getty

In The Media

Neutralize Nuclear Subs

Most of Russia's aging nuclear submarines still have their nuclear fuel and nuclear waste on board, and many are tied up at docks that are at best lightly guarded. These submarines contain the raw materials for nuclear terrorism and need to be urgently dismantled and disposed of in an environmentally sound manner.

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By Rose Gottemoeller
Published on May 28, 2003
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Russia and Eurasia

The Russia and Eurasia Program continues Carnegie’s long tradition of independent research on major political, societal, and security trends in and U.S. policy toward a region that has been upended by Russia’s war against Ukraine.  Leaders regularly turn to our work for clear-eyed, relevant analyses on the region to inform their policy decisions.

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Nuclear Policy

The Nuclear Policy Program aims to reduce the risk of nuclear war. Our experts diagnose acute risks stemming from technical and geopolitical developments, generate pragmatic solutions, and use our global network to advance risk-reduction policies. Our work covers deterrence, disarmament, arms control, nonproliferation, and nuclear energy.

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Source: The Moscow Times

Originally appeared in The Moscow Times, May 28, 2003

One year ago, the Group of Eight launched an initiative called the Global Partnership against the spread of weapons and materials of mass destruction. As an incentive to get financial support from the entire G-8, the Bush administration announced a "10 plus 10 over 10" commitment -- the United States would spend $10 billion over 10 years, and the other G-8 members would match these funds.

The Global Partnership for the first time brings these countries together to stop weapons of mass destruction from leaking out to illicit buyers and terrorist clients. The first goal is to work with Russia, where many problems still reside, and then with other countries.

As the next meeting of the G-8 approaches in Evian, France, it is time to take stock of this initiative. When the G-8 members meet later in the week and next week, will they have progress to report? Sadly, it seems unlikely. Buffeted by discord over the U.S.-led war in Iraq, the G-8 partners have had a hard time getting together in the past six months. The G-8 Global Partnership is drifting, just at a time when it is most urgent to keep nuclear, chemical and biological weapons out of the wrong hands.

Repairing the damage cannot only be done at the G-8 table. Indeed, many efforts are going on in capitals to get these old friends and allies together again. However, the Global Partnership offers unique opportunities for hands-on cooperation that will go a long way to restoring the mutual confidence and good working relationship of the G-8 countries. Take, for example, the dismantling of Russian nuclear submarines, a top priority of President Vladimir Putin and other G-8 leaders, but an effort that has stalled this year.

Russia has over 150 nuclear submarines that are no longer operational, essentially relics of the Cold War. The United States, through the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction program, is helping Russia dismantle its strategic ballistic missile submarines that are covered by the strategic arms reduction treaties.

However, most of Russia's submarine relics are shorter-range attack submarines, over 60 of which have not yet been dismantled. Most of these aging submarines still have their nuclear fuel and nuclear waste on board, and many are tied up at docks that are at best lightly guarded. Some of them are in such bad condition that they have sunk at pierside or have damaged reactor fuel that requires special handling to remove.

These submarines contain the raw materials for nuclear terrorism and need to be urgently dismantled and disposed of in an environmentally sound manner. Only recently, however, have the elements of the comprehensive effort to rid the world of these subs become evident.

First, Norway and Japan are beginning pilot projects to dismantle Russian general-purpose submarines. Second, the United States has, through the Nunn-Lugar program, built the infrastructure at Russian shipyards for destroying strategic ballistic missile submarines. That same machinery is available to take apart general-purpose submarines. Third, the trilateral Arctic Military Environmental Cooperation program between the United States, Russia and Norway has built confidence and trust among former Cold War adversaries, allowing for greater openness and efficiency in the projects.

Fourth, there is now an opportunity to use private financing to advance submarine dismantlement. Today, Russia reprocesses the reactor fuel from its subs and turns it into fuel for civilian nuclear power plants in Russia. However, the Russians should be asked to contribute some of these resources to the sub dismantlement programs. Russian submarine reactor fuel could be processed and turned into fuel for foreign customers, thus generating a revenue stream that could be used to partially fund further dismantlement of general-purpose submarines. In this way, Western governments and taxpayers would not have to foot the entire bill -- an idea in line with the Bush administration's interest in greater reliance on the private sector.

At Evian, the G-8 should endorse these steps as a way not only to rid the world of these aging nuclear subs, but also as a model for destroying other weapons of mass destruction. Most important, the private sector would be taking its place in project financing. As Senator Sam Nunn recently said, "Today we are in a race between cooperation and catastrophe to secure nuclear, chemical and biological weapons."

Here is a way to help cooperation triumph over catastrophe.


 

About the Author

Rose Gottemoeller

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Nuclear Policy Program

Rose Gottemoeller is a nonresident senior fellow in Carnegie’s Nuclear Policy Program. She also serves as lecturer at Stanford University’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies and is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. Ambassador Gottemoeller served as the deputy secretary general of NATO from 2016 to 2019. 

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Rose Gottemoeller
SecurityMilitaryForeign PolicyNuclear PolicyNuclear EnergyUnited StatesIraqCaucasusRussia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

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