• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Nikolay Petrov"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Caucasus",
    "Russia"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Economy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

Another Kremlin Shell Game

The severe economic crisis in Russia is currently spilling over into the political and administrative spheres. However, the government is not responding properly. Instead of improving administration effectiveness, the Russian government is simply reshuffling regional heads. In economics, the Kremlin is putting unneeded burden on businesses and regional governments.

Link Copied
By Nikolay Petrov
Published on Dec 9, 2008

Source: The Moscow Times

The crisis is so severe that economic measures alone will not be enough to combat it. The crisis is spilling over into the political and administrative spheres, compounding the shortcomings of the existing system. The Kremlin realizes how serious this situation really is and has started taking measures to cope with the crisis. The question is whether it is doing enough.

An early presidential election may very well be in the works to return Prime Minister Vladimir Putin to the presidency sooner than 2012. Those who support this plan are convinced that radical measures are required to combat the crisis, and Putin's strong popularity would guarantee the support of the people and avoid massive protests during a severe economic downturn. With the necessary changes to the Constitution likely to be ratified by the end of this year, an early election could be held as soon as the spring.

At the same time, preparations are under way for regional elections in March. United Russia is trying to ease anxiety by rolling out a populist ad campaign, and it has also created anti-crisis teams in each region. But these measures will not accomplish much. Meanwhile, a new party, Right Cause, was created last month.

Regarding personnel policies, the Kremlin has failed to come up with anything better than a hasty reshuffling of staff. Last week, regional police chiefs were plucked from one place and planted in another. Karelia's chief was moved to head the Bashkortostan republic, the Bashkortostan chief relocated to North Ossetia and the North Ossetian chief retired.

The goal of that complicated maneuver was twofold: to replace the North Ossetian minister, who was unable to cope with the situation in that region, and to further weaken the ties between Bashkortostan President Murtaza Rakhimov and the regional police chief. The question is whether the transplanted Bashkortostan police chief will be able to bring the difficult situation in North Ossetia under control.

On the surface, the new appointments to the Interior Ministry and the earlier replacements of ineffective regional leaders may appear as if the Kremlin is reacting more quickly to the mounting crisis. But in reality, it continues to play the same old shell game, which consists of simply shifting around regional heads instead of improving the administrative effectiveness of the existing leaders and institutions in their previous posts.

The situation in the North Caucasus is particularly worrisome because the republics located there will be hurt the most when the economy worsens. While the dismissal of Ingush President Murat Zyazikov helped subdue the people's unrest, the increasingly volatile situation in North Ossetia is just the opposite. Authorities have been unable to stabilize the situation in Dagestan, the only Caucasus republic where the Kremlin has not yet managed to replace the old ruling regime.

In addition to the serious problems brought on by the financial crisis, the Kremlin has created a few additional ones of its own. A decision to raise state employees' salaries by 30 percent effective Dec. 1 puts regional authorities in a bind: Either they grant those pay hikes at a time when budget shortfalls are causing layoffs of government bureaucrats, or they must reduce the existing salaries of some employees to pay for the pay increases. To make matters worse, the minimum wage is scheduled to double in January. Instead of increasing incomes, this additional burden on businesses is likely to result in an increase in unemployment in many regions -- particularly in the Caucasus republics.

Russia will have tremendous difficulties battling the crisis when it adopts policies that, instead of mitigating economic hardships, only aggravate them.
 

This comment first appeared in The Moscow Times

About the Author

Nikolay Petrov

Former Scholar-in-Residence, Society and Regions Program, Moscow Center

Nikolay Petrov was the chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Society and Regions Program. Until 2006, he also worked at the Institute of Geography at the Russian Academy of Sciences, where he started to work in 1982.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Moscow Elections: Winners and Losers

      Nikolay Petrov

  • Commentary
    September 8 Election As a New Phase of the Society and Authorities' Coevolution

      Nikolay Petrov

Nikolay Petrov
Former Scholar-in-Residence, Society and Regions Program, Moscow Center
Nikolay Petrov
Political ReformEconomyCaucasusRussia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia’s Coal Industry Is Running on Borrowed Time

    Powerful lobbyists and inertia led to Russia’s coal-mining sector missing an excellent opportunity to solve its structural problems.

      Alexey Gusev

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Is Opposition to Online Restrictions an Inflection Point for the Russian Regime?

    After four years of war, there is no one who can stand up to the security establishment, and President Vladimir Putin is increasingly passive. 

      Tatiana Stanovaya

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What’s Having More Impact on Russian Oil Export Revenues: Ukrainian Strikes or Rising Prices?

    Although Ukrainian strikes have led to a noticeable decline in the physical volume of Russian oil exports, the rise in prices has more than made up for it.

      • Sergey Vakulenko

      Sergey Vakulenko

  • Shipping port at dawn from above
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The U.S. Export-Import Bank Was Built for a Different Era. Here's How to Fix It.

    Five problems—and solutions—to make it actually work as a tool of great power competition.

      • Afren Akhter

      Afreen Akhter

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia Is Meddling for Meddling’s Sake in the Middle East

    The Russian leadership wants to avoid a dangerous precedent in which it is squeezed out of Iran by the United States and Israel—and left powerless to respond in any meaningful way.

      Nikita Smagin

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.