Commentary
Nikolay Petrov
{
"authors": [
"Nikolay Petrov"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Russia"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Democracy"
]
}
Source: Getty
In The Media
The Kremlin's Sochi Project
The mayoral campaign in Sochi illustrates the Kremlins desire to demonstrate a more liberal approach to domestic politics while also emphasizing the extent of its political control.
Published on Apr 29, 2009
Source: The Moscow Times
In the Sochi race, however, the main contender was opposition leader Boris Nemtsov. His challenge was aimed not only at the local administration but also directly at the Kremlin. Contrary to the expectations of most observers, myself included, the Kremlin accepted the challenge.
Russia's election laws would have made it a simple matter to disqualify any undesirable candidate by citing a technical violation of the registration procedure. This is not difficult to pull off when the authorities control the electoral commission, law enforcement agencies and the courts. This means that the top Kremlin leaders approved of Nemtsov's candidacy, particularly when you consider that the Sochi Olympic Games are Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's precious pet project.
A couple of weeks ago, candidates began dropping out of the race one by one. Some pulled out by their own accord and others, like wealthy businessman Alexander Lebedev, were disqualified by the election committee. It seemed that the ground was being prepared for Nemtsov's removal as well.
But Nemtsov never got the ax. Instead, the authorities initiated an informational blockade against Nemtsov, denying him the opportunity to meet voters in the venues of his choice and preventing him from advertising in the media while coverage of acting Mayor Anatoly Pakhomov dominated local television and newspapers. Pakhomov was portrayed less as a candidate and more as a successful, tireless leader, not unlike the way Dmitry Medvedev was portrayed during the presidential election campaign a year ago.
The election was preceded by an intriguing series of liberal gestures from the Kremlin, including Medvedev's interview with the editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta, his meeting with human rights advocates in the Kremlin and the early release of former Yukos lawyer Svetlana Bakhmina from jail.
The Sochi election has become the focus of both national and international attention. Without a doubt, it is the most prominent election since the presidential vote in 2008.
In the end, the Sochi vote will be indicative of where the Kremlin goes from here. On one hand, it wants to demonstrate a more liberal approach to domestic politics, and on the other hand, it wants to emphasize how much it controls by showing how easily its candidate can win against the most powerful challenger that the opposition has to offer.
The Kremlin's favored candidate was victorious despite the strong protest vote. The economic crisis and noisy conflicts between the administration and residents over the government's heavy-handed, often illegal methods used to push through Olympic projects surely played a role in the election, but what is important is that on election day there were more voters who supported the Kremlin's polices toward Sochi than those who opposed them.
Lessons learned from the Sochi election will be useful to both the Kremlin and the opposition during the next round of elections in autumn. By that time, the mood of social protest in the regions will have reached the high temperatures we are now seeing in Sochi.
This comment first appeared in The Moscow Times
About the Author
Nikolay Petrov
Former Scholar-in-Residence, Society and Regions Program, Moscow Center
Nikolay Petrov was the chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Society and Regions Program. Until 2006, he also worked at the Institute of Geography at the Russian Academy of Sciences, where he started to work in 1982.
- Moscow Elections: Winners and Losers
- September 8 Election As a New Phase of the Society and Authorities' CoevolutionCommentary
Nikolay Petrov
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Parliamentary Elections in Occupied Ukraine Risk Backfiring for the KremlinCommentary
Despite unhappiness on the ground, Moscow is determined to use both carrot and stick to ensure there is record support for United Russia in occupied Ukraine.
Konstantin Skorkin
- The Le Pen Verdict: How French Politics Turned MAGACommentary
Far-right leader Marine Le Pen can—and will—run in France’s next presidential election. What does the outcome of her appeal against a 2025 embezzlement conviction mean for the country’s political future?
Catherine Fieschi
- Moldova’s Ruling Party PAS Must Graduate From Crisis Management to State GovernanceCommentary
Whether PAS can refocus on the unfinished business of state-building may ultimately prove more consequential for Moldova’s European future than the pace of its accession negotiations.
Balázs Jarábik
- Why Europe Cannot Negotiate a New Yalta with RussiaCommentary
While Russia is not ready to sue for peace on Europe’s terms, it could still either seek a ceasefire in Ukraine or try escalation. Brussels needs to prepare for both and prioritize that preparation over normative discussions.
Kadri Liik
- Snubbed by United Russia as Elections Loom, Medvedev Looks Condemned to Eternal ObscurityCommentary
Medvedev’s defeat in the battle for the position of speaker appears to signal that the long process of his marginalization in Russian politics has passed the point of no return.
Andrey Pertsev
