• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "David Burwell"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "SCP",
  "programs": [
    "Sustainability, Climate, and Geopolitics"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Climate Change"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Lower Emissions and Lower the Deficit

A carbon fee would discourage carbon emissions, encourage the transition to low-carbon fuels, and provide revenue to finance America's transition to a new world order of clean energy.

Link Copied
By David Burwell
Published on Apr 21, 2010
Program mobile hero image

Program

Sustainability, Climate, and Geopolitics

The Sustainability, Climate, and Geopolitics Program explores how climate change and the responses to it are changing international politics, global governance, and world security. Our work covers topics from the geopolitical implications of decarbonization and environmental breakdown to the challenge of building out clean energy supply chains, alternative protein options, and other challenges of a warming planet.

Learn More

Source: The Hill

Lower Emissions and Lower the DeficitTackling the deficit has now secured top attention at the White House. But bad news from one end of Pennsylvania Avenue may be good news for action at the other end. Billowing deficits can remove congressional roadblocks on an initiative that can, simultaneously, help with deficit reduction, climate protection, energy security and infrastructure financing. What is this Big Fix? Tax transportation carbon.

A carbon tax is not a gas tax. Carbon is an element. Gasoline is a fuel. Fuel can be produced with very low — or high — carbon content. The purpose of a carbon tax is to discourage carbon emissions and encourage the transition to low-carbon fuels. The purpose of a gas tax is to finance transportation. A carbon tax has the added benefit of backing out of oil. Over $300 billion of what we pay for oil each year goes overseas to corporations owned by countries, many of which don’t like us very much. And we borrow from other countries to pay them. While good arguments can be made for both gas and carbon taxes, they should not be conflated.

It is true that carbon taxes can have the co-benefit of financing transportation — something the present gas tax does not do. Gas taxes, paid into sequestered trust funds, are supposed to cover the costs of our federal transportation programs. Yet, over the 17 years since the last gas tax increase, inflation has cut its buying power by over 40 percent. The result is that we (1) spend more on transportation than we raise; (2) waste much of what we spend through formula grants to states untethered to goals or performance measures; (3) defer maintenance to build bridges to nowhere; and (4) don’t pay for the externalized costs of our oil dependence. That carbon taxes can help address these issues is an argument for, not against, such taxes.

Carbon taxes also come in many forms. Congestion pricing, emissions-based tolling, transitioning to a vehicle-miles-traveled (VMT) fee, elimination of fossil fuel and employer-provided free parking subsidies, pay-as-you-drive insurance, etc., are all ways to impose a direct or indirect fee on transportation carbon. But the most transparent, most policy-based, and most fiscally responsible way to do so is a direct fee on the carbon content of transportation fuels.

The opportunity to apply this fee is before us. The new energy and climate proposal expected to be announced Monday by Sens. John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.)  and Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.)  includes a tax on carbon-based fuels, with revenues either rebated to consumers or used to pay down the deficit (called the “return or reduce” proposal). One simple addition is needed: Use revenues slated for deficit reduction to underwrite the cost of green transportation already paid from the deficit. This will fundamentally reform our transportation programs to be more energy efficient while putting transportation finance back on a pay-as-you-go basis.

From a deficit reduction standpoint it makes no difference whether reductions come from paying more taxes or from offsetting costs through the general fund (the deficit). According to the Center for Clean Air Policy an initial carbon price of $10 per ton would yield about $16 billion in revenues and increase from there. We have plenty of deficit-funded green transport programs to absorb these revenues, including transit, bicycle and pedestrian programs; travel demand management; rail (passenger and freight); programs designed to reduce the carbon footprint of development; commuter choice programs, etc. Each of these expenditures, if paid out of carbon fees, would directly reduce the deficit.

The politics work as well. States, transit agencies, and local governments need the transportation revenues that carbon taxes will provide. Reformers will get the changes they seek as transportation programs are restructured to accelerate the transition to the new energy economy. Automobile manufacturers will get the fuel price point they need to assure a market for plug-in hybrids and electric vehicles. Energy security hawks will see oil imports drop. And the deficit hawks will see borrowing reduced as transportation finance returns to its traditional principle of pay-as-you-go. Most importantly, America wins as the thorny problems of transportation finance, deficit reduction, climate protection and energy security are untangled from mutual checkmate to mutual support

The 20th century was the American Century due to our willingness to act boldly and accomplish big things. One big thing was building the Interstate system, which was financed by a tax on carbon-based fuels. Carbon fees can again finance our continued leadership in the new world order of clean energy.

Yet the average tax on carbon-based fuels in Europe is between $4 amd $5 per gallon. In Uganda and Uruguay, not wealthy nations, it is $2 a gallon. In the United States it is 42 cents, federal and state combined. If we intend to stay on the train of global leadership, we have to buy a ticket.

About the Author

David Burwell

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Energy and Climate Program

Burwell focused on the intersection between energy, transportation, and climate issues, as well as policies and practice reforms to reduce global dependence on fossil fuels.

    Recent Work

  • Paper
    The Politics of Plenty: Balancing Climate and Energy Security

      David Burwell

  • In The Media
    Beijing: The City of Long Distances

      David Burwell

David Burwell
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Energy and Climate Program
Climate ChangeNorth AmericaUnited States

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Satellite of a damaged oil refinery
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Iran Is Pushing Its Neighbors Toward the United States

    Tehran’s attacks are reshaping the security situation in the Middle East—and forcing the region’s clock to tick backward once again.

      Amr Hamzawy

  • A boat, with smoke in the background
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The Gulf Monarchies Are Caught Between Iran’s Desperation and the U.S.’s Recklessness

    Only collective security can protect fragile economic models.

      • Andrew Leber

      Andrew Leber

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Europe on Iran: Gone with the Wind

    Europe’s reaction to the war in Iran has been disunited and meek, a far cry from its previously leading role in diplomacy with Tehran. To avoid being condemned to the sidelines while escalation continues, Brussels needs to stand up for international law.

      Pierre Vimont

  • Photo of cracked dry earth.
    Article
    Lessons Learned from the Biden Administration’s Initial Efforts on Climate Migration

    In 2021, the U.S. government began to consider how to address climate migration. The outcomes of that process offer useful takeaways for other governments.

      • Jennifer DeCesaro

      Jennifer DeCesaro

  • Commentary
    India Signs the Pax Silica—A Counter to Pax Sinica?

    On the last day of the India AI Impact Summit, India signed Pax Silica, a U.S.-led declaration seemingly focused on semiconductors. While India’s accession to the same was not entirely unforeseen, becoming a signatory nation this quickly was not on the cards either.

      Konark Bhandari

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.