• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Moisés Naím"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Economy",
    "Global Governance"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Why Power Is Decaying in the Modern World

The shifting nature of power is changing the geopolitical world. The "more, mobility, and mentality" revolutions are initiating these changes in power dynamics.

Link Copied
By Moisés Naím
Published on Apr 19, 2013

Source: U.S.News & World Report

The nature of power is changing around the world, from political protests against dictatorships to startup companies competing with large corporations. In "The End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being In Charge Isn't What It Used to Be," Moisés Naím, scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and former editor-in-chief of Foreign Policy magazine, discusses what these power shifts mean for individuals and nations.

Naím recently spoke with U.S. News about how power is changing, why it affects geopolitics and boardrooms, and what it means for the world's current and future leaders. Excerpts:

What is power, and how is it decaying?

Power is the ability of one party to make another party do, or stop doing, something. Power is decaying because power in all human endeavors is easier to acquire, harder to use, and easier to lose.

Why are these changes happening now?

There are a variety of forces. I combined them in three categories that I call the "more revolution," the "mobility revolution" and the "mentality revolution." Together they erode the capacity of the barriers that shield the powerful. People, countries, organizations or institutions that have power are shielded [from] challengers that want to rival them and take away their power. The shields have become less protected because of the three revolutions.

What do the three revolutions entail?

The "more revolution" is that we live in a world of more of everything, a world of abundance. There are not just more people, but there are more countries. There are more political parties. There are more foundations and philanthropies, also more criminal cartels. And if there's more of everything, it makes it harder for those in power to control others.

Not only do we have more of everything, but it moves more. So people, money, ideas, goods and services, pandemics and illnesses, ideologies and financial crises all move far more at greater speed and at lower cost. The "mobility revolution" is helping challengers circumvent the barriers. The "mentality revolution" is produced by the two other revolutions creating new ways of thinking, new mindsets, expectations, aspirations, behaviors and values. One interesting example of the mentality revolution is that divorce rates in India among the elderly are soaring, mostly initiated by the women. And that, I think, is related clearly to a change in mentality, but also the effects of the more and mobility revolutions.

So the "more" overwhelms the barriers, the "mobility" helps circumvent them, and "mentality" undermines them.

Is the way power is changing now different from previous power shifts in history?

Yes. Power has now become more transient. Those who have power today have less of it than those who had power in the same positions in the past.

Are these changes all positive?

There is a lot to celebrate for the end of power as we knew it. We have more opportunities as voters, as entrepreneurs, as innovators, as citizens, as investors and consumers. It is good that dictators and monopolies are easier to challenge. But one needs to be careful when this trend hampers the ability of governments to govern. These are situations in which everyone has just enough power to be able to block others, but no one has enough power to push through an agenda.

What does this mean for national politics?

It means that we're seeing gridlock and paralysis in a lot of countries and the inability of governments to reach agreements and [move] forward any policies. We have seen it recently with the United States with the sequester and the inability of the political parties and Congress and the White House to agree on how to tax and spend. But we have seen the same trends around the world. In democracies, power is becoming much harder to wield.

How is power changing on the microlevel?

Well, we have seen a lot of power transfer to individuals. One [example] is the capacity of individuals acting alone to have immense consequences.

But also we have seen it at the level of individual companies. For example, Kodak for many years was a giant company that had almost a monopoly on everything that had to do with film and photography. And at the same time that Kodak was going bankrupt, there was a small app called Instagram with only 13 employees that was sold for a billion dollars.

What do you hope readers will take away from your book?

A different way of looking at the world. A different way of reading newspapers, watching the news or looking at their cell phones and seeing what's happening around them. A different way of interpreting how they can behave in ways that will empower them, and, at the same time, how they can be more effective in dealing with the new world that is emerging around us.

This interview was originally published in U.S.News & World Report.

About the Author

Moisés Naím

Distinguished Fellow

Moisés Naím is a distinguished fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a best-selling author, and an internationally syndicated columnist.

    Recent Work

  • Research
    The World Reacts to Biden’s First 100 Days
      • +10

      Rosa Balfour, Frances Z. Brown, Yasmine Farouk, …

  • Commentary
    View From Latin America

      Moisés Naím

Moisés Naím
Distinguished Fellow
Moisés Naím
Political ReformEconomyGlobal GovernanceNorth America

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Paper
    Loyal but Powerless: The Downgrading of Russia’s Elite

    The ruling elites in contemporary Russia are not a political class, but a community of managers who are not subject to competition or public accountability. The state is becoming an operating apparatus without any internal autonomy.

      Alexandra Prokopenko

  • US President Donald Trump delivers remarks to the United Nations General Assembly at the UN headquarters in New York City on September 23, 2025.
    Paper
    Retreat, Rebel, Replace, or Reform? Making Sense of Multilateralism Under Trump 2.0

    The conventional narrative of the second Trump administration simply repudiating multilateralism is incomplete. The record to date is far more mixed and varies across issue areas and institutions.

      Gustavo Romero, Stewart Patrick

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What Does Pashinyan’s Parliamentary Victory Mean for Armenia’s Future?

    Pashinyan’s pro-European party has been re-elected with a decisive victory. But the pro-Russian opposition could still slow Armenia’s progress toward peace with Azerbaijan and rapprochement with Europe.

      Mikayel Zolyan

  • Book
    From Sovereigns to Servants. How the War Against Ukraine Reshaped Russia’s Elite

    How did Putin co-opt Russia’s political and economic elites, ensuring no more than fitful resistance to the regime’s war on Ukraine?

      Alexandra Prokopenko

  • Europe trade economy container supply chains
    Paper
    From Trade Dependence to Geopolitical Leverage: The EU in an Era of Weaponized Interdependence

    As geopolitical rivalry weaponizes global supply chains, the EU’s true vulnerability lies in emerging-risk imports. For these goods, suppliers are growing more concentrated, substitution more difficult, and political risk is looming.

      Sinan Ülgen

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.