• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "John Judis"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "Middle East",
    "Iraq"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Democracy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

What the Pope, Iran's President, and Spain's King Can Tell Us

Attempts at imposing Western political norms have failed abysmally.

Link Copied
By John Judis
Published on Sep 20, 2013

Source: New Republic

What do Spain’s King Juan Carlos, Pope Francis, and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani have in common? And what does it tell us about the American invasion of Iraq?

*In 1969, Spain’s aging dictator Francisco Franco bypassed the legal heir to the Spanish throne, whom he suspected of liberalism, and anointed the conservative young Prince Juan Carlos as his heir. Juan Carlos was expected to continue Spain’s authoritarian rule, but when Franco died in 1975, and Juan Carlos ascended to the throne, he astounded Franco’s Falangist backers by setting Spain on a path to democracy, from which it has never veered.

*This March, the Catholic Church’s College of Cardinals chose Cardinal Jorge Mario Bergoglio to succeed the ultraconservative Pope Benedict XVI. The new pope, who took the name Francis, had been accused of cooperating with Argentina’s military junta in 1976 in the kidnapping of two priests. The allegations were not proved, but it was feared that Francis would turn out to be another Papal conservative. So far, however, he has turned out to be the second coming of Pope John XXIII rather than of Benedict. He has sought to revive the church’s commitment to the poor and reform the Vatican officialdom and bureaucracy. In a recent interview, he declared he is a not a “right-winger” and chided his fellow churchmen for obsessing about homosexuality, contraception, and abortion.

*In this June’s presidential elections in Iran, Saeed Jalili, Iran’s nuclear negotiator from 2007 to 2013, was thought to be the favorite of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and the favorite to win the election. Iran’s Guardian Council had barred the obvious moderate choice, former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani from running. Rafsanjani had thrown his support to the lesser known Rouhani, a cleric who had served as nuclear negotiator under Iran’s last moderate leader, Mohammad Khatami. To the surprise of Western Iran experts, Rouhani won easily, with more votes than all the conservative candidates combined. Rouhani, with, it seems, Khamenei’s blessing, has made a succession to moves that have indicated his willingness to negotiate an end to any nuclear weapon program Iran had. Rouhani wished Jews a happy new year and is bringing the only Jewish member of Iran's Parliament with him to the United Nations. Rouhani could hand President Barack Obama the biggest diplomatic breakthrough—extending through the Middle East, including Syria—since Ronald Reagan’s summit with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev in October 1987 began the end of the Cold War.

What’s the link here? At the risk of obscurity, I would cite the German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel’s conception of history as Spirit’s journey toward Freedom. Of course, Hegel’s conception of Spirit and Freedom may be a little different from ours, but it still makes some sense to call these different events in Spain, Rome, and Tehran part of Spirit’s journey toward Freedom. And what’s distinctive about each of them is that they were somewhat unexpected—especially by the critics of Franco, Papal conservatism, and Iran’s mullahs—and that they were not imposed but happened—to use a term favored by Edmund Burke—organically. Yes, there were outside pressures in each case, but the pressures could have easily had the opposite effect, as predicted at the time.

There have been successful attempts to impose freedom and democracy through intervention. Germany and Japan after World War II come to mind. But they were defeated powers whose people had accepted defeat and American suzerainty and who had a greater fear at the time of Soviet domination. These countries also had some experience in parliamentary government to draw upon. But other attempts at imposing Western political norms have failed abysmally—mostly recently in Iraq, Afghanistan, and probably, too, Libya. And if the West were to try its hand in Syria, I suspect that would also prove a failure. There is a problem in some countries like Iraq and Syria that were imperial creations in which the reigning power suppressed fierce sectarian conflicts that have since re-emerged and that may doom these countries as cohesive states. But I still wonder sometimes what would have happened in Iraq, which had a real middle class and some semblance of a non-oil economy, if the United States had just let matters unfold there. Sanctions maybe, condemnation certainly, but no invasion. Was there a Juan Carlos in waiting?

This article was originally published in New Republic.

About the Author

John Judis

Former Visiting Scholar

As a visiting scholar at Carnegie, Judis wrote The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.

    Recent Work

  • In The Media
    This Election Could be the Birth of a Trump-Sanders Constituency

      John Judis

  • In The Media
    Policy Chops

      John Judis

John Judis
Former Visiting Scholar
John Judis
DemocracyNorth AmericaMiddle EastIraq

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Shadowed figure lighting grocery store shelves
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Five Years After His Power Grab, Tunisia’s President Has Only Achieved Failure

    Saied’s main accomplishment has been to destroy a decade’s worth of democratic progress.

      • Sarah Yerkes

      Sarah Yerkes

  • Port cranes at sunset
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The Drone Attack on Egypt and the Widening Middle East War

    The targeting of Damietta Port appears to be more than a mere security message.

      Amr Hamzawy

  • Commentary
    Sada
    The Channels of China’s Currency Promotion in Gulf Markets

    Is the Gulf moving beyond the dollar? This article examines how China is expanding the renminbi's role across Gulf markets, what that means for regional finance, and why the future of global currencies is more complex than the de-dollarization debate suggests.

      Andrew Bonney

  • Article
    Imagining Ukraine’s Political System After the War

    Even if the terms of a ceasefire or peace settlement are satisfactory to most Ukrainians, the country’s democracy will face its fair share of challenges.

      Petro Burkovskyi, Olexiy Haran

  • Paper
    Assessing Information Ecosystems: How Governments Can Get Ahead of Hybrid Threats

    The hybrid warfare landscape is evolving rapidly, leaving policymakers without clear strategies. To better inform their work in addressing emerging challenges, governments must dig deeper into the underlying dynamics at play.

      Raluca Csernatoni, Alicia Wanless

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.