• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Nathan J. Brown"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "MEP",
  "programs": [
    "Middle East"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North Africa",
    "Egypt"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

What Next for Egypt’s New President?

In Egypt, “reconciliation” has become an unspeakable word. In international circles, the need for inclusion is all one hears.

Link Copied
By Nathan J. Brown
Published on Jun 12, 2014
Program mobile hero image

Program

Middle East

The Middle East Program in Washington combines in-depth regional knowledge with incisive comparative analysis to provide deeply informed recommendations. With expertise in the Gulf, North Africa, Iran, and Israel/Palestine, we examine crosscutting themes of political, economic, and social change in both English and Arabic.

Learn More

Source: Al Jazeera

Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has campaigned on a platform that, vague as it is, seems to rule out inclusiveness. It is not simply his words for the Brotherhood, harsh as they are - he seems to verge on expressing the paternalistic view that he knows Egyptians' needs and therefore will not require a democratic process for them to inform and guide him. Will he reverse himself in office?

There will certainly be strong pressures for him to do so. An attempt to turn his popular mandate into a blank check to rule as he sees fit is likely to fail. There are four factors that might make some kind of reconciliation necessary.

In order to govern effectively, Sisi will need support from a more politicised and active society. His popular support is broad but shallow; he has no movement, party, or organised constituency behind him. If he offers most actors a seat at the table, he might be able to secure their support for his policies.

Second, the Egyptian state apparatus is powerful, entrenched, and difficult to control. The only way to counterbalance the security and the judiciary, for instance, is with broad popular support.

Third, the security environment has deteriorated since the July 2012 coup and Egypt's leaders are (or should be) learning the shortcomings of a purely military strategy. Political inclusiveness might be the only way to dry up support for those pursuing a violent path.

Fourth, Egypt desperately needs international investment from the private sector and diplomatic support if it is going to make any progress on the economic front; few investors or powerful governments are likely to want to sink much economic or political capital into a leadership that appears isolated and authoritarian.

Yet despite all these factors, full reconciliation seems unlikely at present. Of course, Sisi will make polite noises upon taking office, but those will likely remain limited and symbolic. Even if Sisi wished to do more, it is not clear that he can force the state apparatus (especially the security forces) to follow his path. And the opposition may be just as difficult. The collective memory of martyrdom so prominent in some circles in Egypt is simply not shared with most of the society.

In Egypt, “reconciliation” has become an unspeakable word. In international circles, the need for inclusion is all one hears. And that will be a problem for Egypt - not only is the country deeply divided but its leaders will operate under an international cloud because of the path they have chosen.

This article was originally published in Al Jazeera.

About the Author

Nathan J. Brown

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Middle East Program

Nathan J. Brown, a professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, is a distinguished scholar and author of nine books on Arab politics and governance, as well as editor of five books.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Trump’s Plan for Gaza Is Not Irrelevant. It’s Worse.

      Nathan J. Brown

  • Commentary
    Israel’s Forever Wars

      Nathan J. Brown

Nathan J. Brown
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Middle East Program
Nathan J. Brown
Political ReformNorth AfricaEgypt

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Photo of Balen Shah taking a selfie with a group of Nepali adults and children.
    Article
    A New Generation Takes Power in Nepal

    The incoming government has swept Nepal’s election. The real work begins now.

      Amish Raj Mulmi

  • A Black man pulls a trolley. He is small in the bottom center of the frame; in the background are stacks of large, colorful shipping containers and the parts of a large crane or similar piece of equipment.
    Article
    Africa’s Global Economic Edge: Advancing Strategic Sectors

    In key sectors such as critical minerals, specialty agriculture, and fintech, Africa can become a global powerhouse by investing more in manufacturing, value-add, and scaling.

      • Kholofelo Kugler

      Kholofelo Kugler, Georgia Schaefer-Brown

  • Article
    Kenya’s Health Deal Is a Stress Test for the America First Global Health Strategy

    U.S. agreements must contend with national data protection laws to make durable foreign policy instruments.

      • A Black woman with long hair wears a black blazer

      Jane Munga, Rose Mosero

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    After Ilia II: What Will a New Patriarch Mean for Georgia?

    The front-runner to succeed Ilia II, Metropolitan Shio, is prone to harsh anti-Western rhetoric and frequent criticism of “liberal ideologies” that he claims threaten the Georgian state. This raises fears that under his leadership the Georgian Orthodox Church will lose its unifying role and become an instrument of ultraconservative ideology.

      Bashir Kitachaev

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Tokayev’s New Constitution Is a Bet on Stability—At Freedom’s Expense

    Kazakhstan’s new constitution is an embodiment of the ruling elite’s fears and a self-serving attempt to preserve the status quo while they still can.

      Serik Beysembaev

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.