Kheder Khaddour
{
"authors": [
"Kheder Khaddour"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Levant",
"Lebanon",
"Middle East"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform"
]
}Source: Getty
The Coast in Conflict Migration, Sectarianism, and Decentralization in Syria’s Latakia and Tartus Governorates
Syria's coastal region, although perceived as an island outside of the conflict, has also been affected in a number of ways by the country's protracted civil war.
Source: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
1. Introduction
In the ongoing conflict, Syria’s northwest coastal region has thus far been insulated from the extensive destruction and unrelenting violence occurring elsewhere in the country. This has prevented the mass population exodus seen in other contested areas and kept the region’s residents better off, relatively speaking, than Syrians from other parts of the country. Far-reaching, conflict-induced developments have nevertheless significantly altered the living circumstances of the coastal population, the majority of which is of the Alawite faith.
This study looks at the adaptation and survival strategies of local communities in the coastal Latakia and Tartus governorates during the conflict and, more specifically, at their responses to three new phenomena brought about by the ongoing fighting. After a review of the methodology in Chapter 2, Chapter 3 looks at the coastal communities’ responses to the arrival of a massive number of largely Sunni individuals escaping the violence unfolding in the surrounding governorates, and discusses the extent to which they have changed, or left unaltered, the preexisting social relations—both between the coast’s Sunnis and Alawites and between its Alawites and the Assad regime. Cross-sectarian relationships along the coast were jolted by the conflict, and Chapter 4 explores their evolution by examining the trajectories of local economies in the two port cities of Latakia and Banias. Chapter 5 examines the charities and militia recruitment centers that proliferated on the coast as the regime was forced to create new channels of interaction, co-optation, and containment of the Alawite community’s dissent.
Taking the coastal region as a case study, this research seeks to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how the protracted conflict affects not only socioeconomic relations between Syria’s sects, but also the Assad regime’s traditional mechanisms of governance, coercion, and control.
This article was originally published by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
Read Full Text
About the Author
Nonresident Scholar, Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center
Kheder Khaddour is a nonresident scholar at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. His research focuses on tribal structures in the Levant, civil-military relations in Syria, and the role of borders in shaping local and national identities across the Middle East.
- New Syria, Old Lebanon: Absence of the StateCommentary
- An Army of “Sons of the Regions”: Syria’s Post-Assad Military OrderArticle
Kheder Khaddour
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- What the New Democratic Congress Can (and Can’t) Do on Foreign PolicyCommentary
Democrats now have the gavel and the purse, but the executive branch still pulls the levers on the U.S. role in the world.
- +10
James M. Acton, Dan Baer, Mark Baldassare, …
- The Twilight of Oil in an Age of Uncertainty: From a Vicious to a Virtuous CyclePaper
The global hydrocarbon order is changing. Economic diversification and developing productive economies have become essential for Middle Eastern and North African states, requiring them to address social and political challenges and rethink domestic, regional, and global settlements.
- +1
Nur Arafeh, Ishac Diwan, Hamza Meddeb, …
- Vučić’s Downfall in Serbia Is Fatal to Russia’s Influence in the BalkansCommentary
The new Serbian leadership may have promised to keep on cooperating with Russia, but soon they will have to make a choice between fighting corruption and sealing lucrative deals with Moscow. The two are mutually exclusive, even if the new leaders in Belgrade haven’t yet realized it.
Maksim Samorukov
- The Gulf States Are Looking for an Exit in IranCommentary
The six GCC members’ unity would be a valued—if not essential—asset for negotiating an end to the simmering regional conflict.
Sam Worby, Andrew Leber
- How Did Serbia Remove Vučić Without a Single Smashed Window?Commentary
Serbia’s electoral earthquake is an extremely rare example of an entire political system being defeated by street protesters who played by the rules.
Alexander Baunov