The progressive movement that coalesced around the “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests led by Iranian women and youth spurred many politicians in Western democracies to vocalize their support for the people of Iran. Leaders ranging from U.S. President Joe Biden to his French counterpart Emmanuel Macron and the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau vowed to stand by Iranian protestors as they defied the diktats of the Islamic Republic. They also came up with ideas on how to discipline the government in Tehran over its merciless crackdown, measures that were mostly centered on targeted sanctions.
In recent months, street demonstrations have receded, but the movement’s momentum continues with acts of civil disobedience along with women’s rejection of the compulsory hijab. But at a time when the Iranian people have been squeezed by the double whammy of international isolation and their government’s iron fist at home, international expressions of support have generally not exceeded the limits of rhetoric, and assistance in the form of economic and humanitarian support has not been offered to the embattled protesters.
Missing in Action
First, at no point during the tumultuous months of the height of the uprising in Iran did European and North American powers propose initiatives that could make it easier for average Iranians, including students, journalists, and civil society activists, to sustain their fight for freedom and reverse the global privation that had long been imposed on them. International organizations have also failed to translate their lofty promises into quantifiable aid and relief, and the United Nations, in particular, was grilled by activists for contenting itself with sporadic statements of concern rather than taking concrete steps to side with the people of Iran.
On the contrary, further constraints were placed on young Iranians’ connectivity to the world. For example, the German Foreign Office announced that in response to the violence unleashed by the Iranian government, the presence of German cultural centers and language institutions in Tehran would be cut back. It was primarily Iranian students envisioning better lives overseas who benefited from these institutions. It would be naïve to contend that the government would be punished if cultural centers facilitating academic exchanges were to be downsized.
Additionally, at the crescendo of the crackdown and when Iranian citizens were being rounded up in droves and killed in the streets, no government proposed a humanitarian immigration pathway for protesters and activists to be evacuated and granted asylum. It was only in late February, five months after the protests broke out, that the Canadian government announced amendments to its immigration law so that Iranians already in Canada could extend their temporary residence. As opposed to the generous schemes offered by the United States and European Union countries to Ukrainian refugees following the outbreak of the Ukraine war, Iranians looking to leave their country must continue navigating the labyrinths of Western immigration systems.
Finally, despite the steeply worsening situation in Iran, the loss of jobs caused by the government’s draconian internet blackouts, and closures of businesses that were believed to be involved in the protests, virtually no moderation was conceived in how financial and banking sanctions are implemented so that those in the diaspora with families inside Iran could send remittances to their loved ones without running afoul of the punitive measures.
A Call to Action
Iranian protesters cannot dream about democratic transition while scrambling to make ends meet in a heavily sanctioned economy. As a first step, the American sanctions regime must be revisited to make it possible for young Iranian professionals to cooperate with international recruiters overseas and enjoy a steady stream of revenue.
Concurrently, since Iranian applicants for higher education opportunities in the West find it a perpetual challenge to pay application fees or admission deposits to universities under the shadow of banking sanctions, mechanisms should be implemented to enable them to overcome these petty hurdles and be treated like other aspirants with equal access to educational opportunities.
Furthermore, remittances are a vital matter, and the enormous resources of the Iranian diaspora should be capitalized on to lift Iranians on the ground out of poverty. As long as sanctions hang over the diaspora, Iranians abroad will be incapable of sending money to the country.
Despite the United States easing restrictions on the provision of internet services last Fall, periodic blackouts and slowdowns keep sabotaging the daily lives of Iranians. Western governments need to work with social media companies, instant messaging services, and other web-based providers to ensure that Iranians can bypass the most severe of these constraints.
It would be premature to forecast what political outcomes this increased support could or should produce. But when concrete international backing is available, the Iranian people will be enabled to implement the changes they seek. Any democratic change should emanate from within Iran, but for that scenario to materialize, the Iranian populace must first be empowered through actions, rather than mere words.
Kourosh Ziabari is an award-winning journalist from Iran, an Asia Times correspondent, and a recipient of the Chevening Scholarship from the UK’s Foreign Office. Follow him on Twitter: @KZiabari.
