• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Christophe Jaffrelot"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "South Asia",
    "India"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media

Why the BJP Rewrites History

The party’s aversion to Nehru draws from its notion of India and Indian citizenship.

Link Copied
By Christophe Jaffrelot
Published on Jun 7, 2016
Program mobile hero image

Program

South Asia

The South Asia Program informs policy debates relating to the region’s security, economy, and political development. From strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific to India’s internal dynamics and U.S. engagement with the region, the program offers in-depth, rigorous research and analysis on South Asia’s most critical challenges.

Learn More

Source: Indian Express

In early May, The Indian Express reported that references to Jawaharlal Nehru have been deleted from the new social science textbook for Class VIII. There was no longer any mention of who India’s first prime minister was.

The rewriting of history textbooks is an old priority of the Hindu nationalist movement. In the 1970s, former Jana Sangh members in the Janata Party and the Morarji Desai government had asked for changes in text books. In May 1977, Desai was presented a memorandum that sought the withdrawal of four history books — of which three were intended for use in teaching — from public circulation. The books in question were Medieval India by Romila Thapar, Modern India by Bipan Chandra, Freedom Struggle by A. Tripathi, Barun De and Bipan Chandra, and Communalism and the Writing of Indian History by Romila Thapar, Harbans Mukhia and Bipan Chandra. The memorandum criticised these works above all for not condemning forcefully enough certain Muslim rulers — including Aurangzeb — and emphasising that freedom struggle leaders such as Bala Gangadhar Tilak and Aurobindo were partly responsible for the antagonism between Hindus and Muslims. The RSS campaigned separately for the withdrawal of these textbooks (Organiser, July 23, 1978). The attempt failed because sections within the Janata Party opposed the demands in the memorandum.

However, the BJP succeeded in changing parts of textbooks in the state they formed a government in the 1990s. After BJP leader Keshubhai Patel took over as chief minister in 1995, the Gujarat State Board of School Textbooks published a Class IX social studies textbook in which Muslims, Christians and Parsis were presented as “foreigners”. It was also written that “in most of the states, the Hindus are a minority and the Muslims, Christians and Sikhs are in a majority”. A Class VIII social studies textbook also included a highly derogatory description of Christian priests: “The accumulation of power and wealth in the hands of the priests resulted in a perversion of the religion. Some of the priests became pleasure-loving and badly behaved.”

In the early 2000s, another social science textbook for Class X described Adolf Hitler in the following terms: “Hitler lent dignity and prestige to the German government within a short time by establishing a strong administrative set up. He created the vast state of Greater Germany. He adopted the policy of opposition towards the Jewish people and advocated the supremacy of the German race. He adopted a new economic policy and brought prosperity to Germany. He began efforts for the eradication of unemployment. He started constructing public buildings, providing irrigation facilities, building railways, roads and production of war materials. He made untiring efforts to make Germany self-reliant within one decade. Hitler discarded the Treaty of Versailles by calling it just ‘a piece of paper’ and stopped paying the war penalty. He instilled the spirit of adventure in the common people, but in doing so it led to extreme nationalism and caused the Second World War.” Sylvie Guichard in The Construction of History and Nationalism in India points out that the textbook was withdrawn after the general consul of Israel visited Gujarat in October 2005.

However, most of the states where textbooks were rewritten have concentrated on Indian history. There is a clear distinction between “bad” and “good” Muslims in these textbooks. Aurangzeb, who re-imposed the jiziya over non-Muslims belonged to the first category, whereas Akbar, who had abolished the jiziya and who was known for his syncretic religion, Din-i-Ilahi, belonged to the latter. But even this view of history is changing.

Following the renaming of Aurangzeb Road after A.P.J. Abdul Kalam in 2015, Minister of State for External Affairs V. K. Singh recently suggested that another street of New Delhi should be renamed Maharana Pratap Singh Road, after the Sisodia ruler of Mewar, who was defeated by Akbar’s forces in 1576 at the Battle of Haldighati. This idea has been supported by BJP chief minister of Haryana, Rajya Sabha member Subramanian Swamy and the BJP’s national spokesperson, Shaina Chudasama. Chudasama tweeted: #Akbar Road should be renamed to Maharana#Pratap Marg. Imagine #Hitler Road in #Israel! No country honours its oppressors like we do!!.

What is at stake in history is an idea of the nation and a definition of citizenship. Earlier this month, Rajasthan’s school education minister, Vasudev Devnani, explained that the government was re-designing textbooks to ensure that “no Kanhaiya Kumar was born in the state”. He also said that he wanted the curriculum to have a three-pronged effect: Teach the child about the “veer” and “veerangana” of Rajasthan; make the child proud of Indian culture; and, create an ideal citizen and a patriot. For these reasons, the youth of Rajasthan may not be told how Nehru built — and then let develop — the main institutions of the “world’s largest democracy”, ranging from the Supreme Court to the Election Commission. He may not even know that Nehru’s cabinet included some of the most virulent critiques of the Congress, including Babasaheb Ambedkar and Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the founder of the Jana Sangh. These men had been made Union ministers in order to represent different streams of the nation in the government. This decision, inspired by Mahatma Gandhi, was an exercise in nation-building — the nation as it was conceived then.

This article originally appeared in the Indian Express.

About the Author

Christophe Jaffrelot

Former Nonresident Scholar, South Asia Program

Jaffrelot’s core research focuses on theories of nationalism and democracy, mobilization of the lower castes and Dalits (ex-untouchables) in India, the Hindu nationalist movement, and ethnic conflicts in Pakistan.

    Recent Work

  • Research
    The BJP in Power: Indian Democracy and Religious Nationalism
      • Rahul Verma
      • +4

      Milan Vaishnav, Rahul Verma, Rukmini S., …

  • Article
    Ceasefire Violations in Kashmir: A War by Other Means?

      Christophe Jaffrelot

Christophe Jaffrelot
Former Nonresident Scholar, South Asia Program
Christophe Jaffrelot
Political ReformSouth AsiaIndia

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia’s Rubber-Stamp Duma Elections Are Exposing Schisms in Putin's Regime

    In the discussions made possible by the State Duma election campaign, one question is being asked more and more loudly. “What next?”

      Andrey Pertsev

  • Article
    Build, Not Buy: The Semiconductor Lesson that Indian AI Experts Must Learn

    As AI grows more sophisticated, as the supply chains that power it become more contested, and as access to frontier models becomes geopolitically charged, India must begin to ask a different set of questions. Not what applications it can build on someone else’s infrastructure but what the world needs.

      Konark Bhandari

  • Article
    Unlocking India’s Urban Dividend

    As India undergoes a demographic transition, its cities will be its economic powerhouse—but only if it accurately captures city growth and empowers cities to support their citizens.

      • Apoorva Jadhav

      Apoorva Jadhav

  • Article
    Imagining Ukraine’s Political System After the War

    Even if the terms of a ceasefire or peace settlement are satisfactory to most Ukrainians, the country’s democracy will face its fair share of challenges.

      Petro Burkovskyi, Olexiy Haran

  • Photo of Donald Trump and Felix Tshisekedi shaking hands in front of a blue banner.
    Article
    Will the U.S.-DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement Endanger U.S. Interests in the DRC?

    President Tshisekedi is implicating Washington in his pursuit of a third term. Staying silent may prove detrimental to the United States in the long run.

      Christian-Géraud Neema

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.