• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Thomas de Waal"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Caucasus",
    "Azerbaijan"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary
Carnegie Europe

Remembering an Azerbaijani Diplomat

Vafa Guluzade was Azerbaijan’s leading foreign policy advocate in a very difficult period and part of the most promising initiative to resolve the Karabakh conflict. He has never been adequately replaced.

Link Copied
By Thomas de Waal
Published on May 7, 2015

Vafa Guluzade, Azerbaijan’s best known foreign policy thinker, died last week at the age of 74.

There is not much reason to be nostalgic about Azerbaijan of the early 1990s. It was a failing divided poor post-Soviet republic that was losing its conflict with Armenia. Amidst that chaos, a few individuals shouldered the burden of putting the new country on the map. Vafa Guluzade stood out among them. A Soviet diplomat and Arabist, he volunteered to be the foreign policy brains of independent Azerbaijan’s very different first three presidents: Moscow loyalist Ayaz Mutalibov, nationalist democrat Abulfaz Elchibey and the veteran Soviet-era leader Heidar Aliev.

The elder Aliev had no qualms about employing a man who had served his two predecessors. He entrusted Guluzade to be his main interlocutor with the growing foreign diplomatic corps and the media.

I first met Guluzade at a press briefing in 1995—this was an era when the country still had a more or less independent press. He was masterful. He took questions about the country’s turn away from democracy and said, “Of course we want democracy, but it’s not realistic to expect us to build democracy like in Paris.” Asked about the routing of the projected Western export oil pipeline, he said, “I want it to go through Armenia,” inviting the Armenians to compromise on the Karabakh conflict.

He was a diplomat of the finest sort, working for what he believed to be his country’s best interests, cultivating many different relationships, personally charming, building as many bridges as he could.

As it later transpired, at the time Aliev also delegated Guluzade to be his representative in secret bilateral talks with his Armenian presidential counterpart Gerard Libaridian. The two of them met in Europe, discussed how to resolve the most vexing issue—the status of Nagorny Karabakh—and struck up a good friendly relationship. This channel was probably the most promising initiative on the conflict but unfortunately it shut down with the OSCE Lisbon summit at the end of 1996.

Guluzade resigned from the presidential administration in 1999, but, stayed on good terms with the elder President Aliev, who called on him for advice. Under the presidency of the younger Aliev, he fell out of the inner circle and lost a role. In public he made strong and less than subtle attacks on Russia.

Now, the paradox is that, for all the massive resources it now enjoys and the dozens of embassies it has round the world, Azerbaijan has never again had such an astute diplomat as Guluzade. A diplomatic resolution of the Karabakh conflict is further away than ever and no creative thinking is allowed. Relations with the West have become purely transactional, as a crackdown on pro-Western voices in the country shows no signs of ending.

Even Foreign Minister Eldar Mammadyarov, who worked in Washington and used to have good connections in the United States, made a routine anti-American speech this week, accusing certain people of conducting “an anti-Azerbaijan campaign” under “the pretext of 'protection of human rights’.”

The magic touch of a Guluzade is badly missed.

About the Author

Thomas de Waal

Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Thomas de Waal is a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, specializing in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Managing Montreux: Turkey and the Russia-Ukraine War in the Black Sea

      Thomas de Waal

  • Commentary
    There Is No Shortcut for Europe in Armenia

      Thomas de Waal

Thomas de Waal
Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Thomas de Waal
Foreign PolicyCaucasusAzerbaijan

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Trump and MBS walking through a doorway
    Commentary
    Emissary
    What We Know About the U.S.-Saudi Nuclear Deal

    Despite the agreement’s uncertainty, it’s still a significant development in regional and nuclear policy.

      • Andrew Leber
      • Jane Darby Menton

      Andrew Leber, Jane Darby Menton

  • Trump and Xi standing next to each other
    Commentary
    Emissary
    A Path Forward on AI Safety for the United States and China

    “AI safety in parallel” is modest and pragmatic but vital.

      Matt Sheehan

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Why Europe Must Take Charge of its Russia Diplomacy Now

    Trump is distracted and Ukraine wants Europe to step up. The continent’s leaders must find their voice and assert it in talks with Russia.

      Alissa de Carbonnel

  • Supporters of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party wave German flags at a campaign rally in front of the Berlin City Hall on June 29, 2026.
    Paper
    The Alternative für Deutschland and Germany’s Unsettled Place in the World

    Unresolved tensions within the AfD may ultimately constrain the its potential as a leader among European and global populist forces.

      Jeremy Cliffe

  •  Delegation staff members meet in the lobby during a quadrilateral meeting between the U.S., Iran, Pakistan, and Qatar at the Lake Lucerne Summit, aimed at advancing a deal to end the Middle East conflict at the Buergenstock Resort, Lake Lucerne on June 21, 2026 near Stansstad, Switzerland.
    Paper
    Negotiating an Age of Conquest: Converting American Power Into Durable Political Outcomes

    There is a deeply rooted assumption in post–Cold War American statecraft that overwhelming military and economic power translates directly into favorable political outcomes. But force alone is rarely enough. To meet the challenges of the mid-21st century, Washington needs a cultural shift toward a mindset that takes negotiation far more seriously.

      • Cecily Brewer

      Cecily Brewer

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.