• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "C. Raja Mohan"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Asia",
    "South Asia",
    "Afghanistan",
    "India",
    "Pakistan"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

The Great Game Folio: Modi’s Pak Pivot

To be an effective player in Central Asia, India must find a way either through Pakistan, or around it.

Link Copied
By C. Raja Mohan
Published on Jul 14, 2015
Program mobile hero image

Program

South Asia

The South Asia Program informs policy debates relating to the region’s security, economy, and political development. From strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific to India’s internal dynamics and U.S. engagement with the region, the program offers in-depth, rigorous research and analysis on South Asia’s most critical challenges.

Learn More

Source: Indian Express

As Prime Minister Narendra Modi returns from a gruelling “Look North” tour, the domestic focus continues to be on his surprising outreach to Pakistan’s PM Nawaz Sharif rather than his renewed engagement with the Central Asian republics. But the two are not unrelated, since Pakistan looms so large in India’s Eurasian strategy. It was perhaps entirely appropriate that Modi’s pivot to Pakistan took place on the margins of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), with its ambitious agenda for integrating inner Asia.

Indian and Pakistani leaders have a long tradition of meeting in distant lands rather than hopping across the border. Manmohan Singh, who was not allowed by the Congress to travel to Pakistan even once in his decade-long tenure as PM, sustained the dialogue with Pakistan in meetings around the world.

Modi seemed to break that tradition last year by inviting the Pakistan PM to New Delhi to join him on his very first day in office. If the abrupt suspension of the talks three months later was a setback, observers of India-Pakistan relations knew it was a matter of time before Modi picked up the thread.

The SCO summit, welcoming India and Pakistan as full members, was indeed a good place to restart the dialogue. Partition and its geopolitical consequences made Pakistan a great barrier between India and inner Asia. To be an effective player in Central Asia, India must find a way either through Pakistan, or around it.

Eurasia Connect

Through his five-nation tour of the region and in his interaction with SCO leaders, Modi focused on both options. The priority was indeed on deepening connectivity to Central Asia through Iran. The PM called for accelerated development of the International North-South Transportation Corridor (INSTC) established way back in 2000 by India, Iran and Russia. Ten other countries in Eurasia and Oman in the Gulf have become members since. Modi also sought India’s admission to the Ashgabat Agreement that involves Oman, Turkmenistan, Iran, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, and facilitates easy movement of goods across their borders.

But Modi did not forget that India’s shortest route to Central Asia runs through Lahore, Rawalpindi and Peshawar. In a speech at the Nazarbayev University in Astana, the Kazakh capital, Modi hoped that “we can restore the traditional route to Central Asia through Pakistan and Afghanistan”. Despite repeated appeals from India and Afghanistan as well as the US in recent years, Pakistan has refused to grant overland transit facilities for India.

Tapi Normal

One exception to Islamabad’s reluctance to advance transborder economic cooperation has been sustained negotiations with Delhi and Kabul on the TAPI pipeline. On the drawing board for nearly two decades, the pipeline is designed to bring natural gas from Turkmenistan to India through Afghanistan and Pakistan. Despite multiple troubles, the three nations have persisted with the project. During his visit to Turkmenistan, Modi underlined the importance of the TAPI pipeline in promoting regional integration between the subcontinent and Central Asia and called for its early implementation.

Modi is betting he might be able to turn the TAPI exception into a “new normal” between India and Pakistan on economic cooperation. While sceptics might smirk, Modi is aware of the new dynamic rapidly altering the regional context. The American withdrawal from Afghanistan, Russian and Chinese desire to stabilise Afghanistan and Pakistan, Moscow’s eagerness to mobilise India into an inner Asian coalition, Beijing’s interest in rebuilding the silk road across Eurasia and the prospects for a nuclear accommodation between Washington and Tehran are making it difficult for Delhi and Islamabad to avoid transborder economic cooperation.

Until recently, it was the US and its Western allies that urged India and Pakistan to settle their bilateral disputes, initiate confidence-building measures and embark on practical cooperation. The Chinese and Russians have replaced them as the lead singers in the international orchestra for Indo-Pak amity. Instead of telling them to mind their own business, Modi appears to have recognised that he can use the weight of Beijing and Moscow to facilitate India’s engagement with Pakistan.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

About the Author

C. Raja Mohan

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India

A leading analyst of India’s foreign policy, Mohan is also an expert on South Asian security, great-power relations in Asia, and arms control.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Deepening the India-France Maritime Partnership

      C. Raja Mohan, Darshana M. Baruah

  • Commentary
    Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Crossroads: Views From Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi
      • Alexander Gabuev
      • +1

      Alexander Gabuev, Paul Haenle, C. Raja Mohan, …

C. Raja Mohan
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India
Foreign PolicyAsiaSouth AsiaAfghanistanIndiaPakistan

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Trump and MBS walking through a doorway
    Commentary
    Emissary
    What We Know About the U.S.-Saudi Nuclear Deal

    Despite the agreement’s uncertainty, it’s still a significant development in regional and nuclear policy.

      • Andrew Leber
      • Jane Darby Menton

      Andrew Leber, Jane Darby Menton

  • Trump and Xi standing next to each other
    Commentary
    Emissary
    A Path Forward on AI Safety for the United States and China

    “AI safety in parallel” is modest and pragmatic but vital.

      Matt Sheehan

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Why Europe Must Take Charge of its Russia Diplomacy Now

    Trump is distracted and Ukraine wants Europe to step up. The continent’s leaders must find their voice and assert it in talks with Russia.

      Alissa de Carbonnel

  • Supporters of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party wave German flags at a campaign rally in front of the Berlin City Hall on June 29, 2026.
    Paper
    The Alternative für Deutschland and Germany’s Unsettled Place in the World

    Unresolved tensions within the AfD may ultimately constrain the its potential as a leader among European and global populist forces.

      Jeremy Cliffe

  •  Delegation staff members meet in the lobby during a quadrilateral meeting between the U.S., Iran, Pakistan, and Qatar at the Lake Lucerne Summit, aimed at advancing a deal to end the Middle East conflict at the Buergenstock Resort, Lake Lucerne on June 21, 2026 near Stansstad, Switzerland.
    Paper
    Negotiating an Age of Conquest: Converting American Power Into Durable Political Outcomes

    There is a deeply rooted assumption in post–Cold War American statecraft that overwhelming military and economic power translates directly into favorable political outcomes. But force alone is rarely enough. To meet the challenges of the mid-21st century, Washington needs a cultural shift toward a mindset that takes negotiation far more seriously.

      • Cecily Brewer

      Cecily Brewer

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.