• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Constantino Xavier"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "South Asia",
    "India",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

To Lisbon With Love

Modi’s visit to the city where the first era of globalization began, five centuries ago, symbolically reflects India’s efforts to push forward, seeking to reclaim spaces it has been absent from for too long.

Link Copied
By Constantino Xavier
Published on Jun 24, 2017
Program mobile hero image

Program

South Asia

The South Asia Program informs policy debates relating to the region’s security, economy, and political development. From strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific to India’s internal dynamics and U.S. engagement with the region, the program offers in-depth, rigorous research and analysis on South Asia’s most critical challenges.

Learn More

Source: Indian Express

When Narendra Modi lands in Lisbon for the first-ever bilateral visit of an Indian Prime Minister to Portugal, he will symbolically mark the beginning of a new era in Indo-Portuguese relations. Back in 1961, when he was 11 years old, the formidable little island of Diu — less than 500 km away from his native Vadnagar — which had remained in Portuguese possession since 1535, was annexed by the Indian military. Over the preceding centuries, it had served as a powerful reminder of the long history and global openness that connects both countries.

As they left Lisbon’s Belem dock in search of a new sea route to India in the 15th century, eventually crossing the Cape of Good Hope, Portuguese sailors unleashed the first wave of globalisation with an unprecedented flow of goods, people and ideas.

Lisbon’s formula was its determination to explore the unknown, turn its peripheral location on the Atlantic into an advantage, and transform its scientific and technological innovation into superior navigational, administrative and military skills towards the creation of a colonial empire.

Certainly, today’s India seeks to play the role of a leading power, stretch the frontiers of innovation and explore new domains – but without the rapacious element that came with empire. The tables of history have, therefore, turned. While Vasco da Gama engaged India with trinkets and cannons, Modi brings a confident India to Portugal, ready to strike collaborative deals and explore comparative advantages. This explains the visit’s expected focus on science and technology, with emphasis on collaborative research to foster innovation in the nano-technologies, space and ocean domains.

Besides reciprocating January’s weeklong visit by Portuguese Prime Minister Antonio Costa, the convenience of a stopover on the way to Washington, or the bromance both leaders established in Delhi over a Cristiano Ronaldo jersey, Modi’s Lisbon detour is also driven by three strategic factors. These reflect a confident India, focused on reaching new shores by engaging Europe, balancing China, and leveraging the diaspora.

First, the visit comes in the context of Modi’s European outreach effort, especially in order to balance Beijing’s formidable Western offensive. As one of Beijing’s few strategic partners on the Atlantic, Portugal hosts one of the highest levels of Chinese per capita investments in energy, telecommunication and infrastructure sectors. During the recent Belt and Road summit, Beijing reportedly identified Portugal, together with Hungary and Greece, as one of the most vulnerable to its pressures to opt out of a joint EU statement. While much emphasis has been put on China’s inroads into Eastern and Central Europe through the 16+1 mechanism, Beijing is now also seeking to establish a similar framework for the Mediterranean to link its continental connectivity plans to the Atlantic and Africa.

Modi’s visit to Portugal marks a symbolic response to China, as President Xi Jinping has yet failed to make an appearance in Lisbon. It also seeks greater Indo-European engagement in Africa, in cooperation with “like-minded” states, whether the US, the European Union, Japan or Brazil. Akin to the Indo-Pacific space taking shape towards the East, the Portugal connection could be laying the ground for a complementary Indo-Atlantic space that reflects India’s reorientation towards West.

Second, as New Delhi seeks to expand its presence in Africa and Latin America, it could also seek to leverage Lisbon’s influence and expertise in those regions, particularly in its former colonies. The Portuguese-speaking world includes nine states on four continents, including Brazil, Mozambique and Timor-Leste. This “lusophone” sphere offers significant scope for trilateral alignments, whether in terms of joint investments, development assistance, or security cooperation, and fits with New Delhi’s emphasis on inclusive partnerships with small states and middle powers in niche sectors.

For example, in contrast with China’s preferred bilateral approach to the Portuguese-speaking countries, through its Macau Forum, New Delhi is instead considering to join the CPLP, the community of Portuguese-speaking nations, as an associate member.

Finally, having made the diaspora one of his key foreign policy priorities, Modi will find fertile ground in Portugal, where one of Europe’s largest communities of Indian origin has taken much pride in seeing Costa elected as the West’s first leader of Indian-origin Minister. While the Portuguese Premier had never evoked his subcontinental heritage before reaching the top, last January Modi astutely played the diaspora card to welcome him as a prodigal son back to the motherland. The fact that Costa decided to play along by flaunting his PIO card at the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas further attests to the strategic nature of India’s new diaspora policy, seeking to leverage its historical connections and overseas communities as an asset to build bridges and increase influence abroad.

Modi’s visit to the city where the first era of globalisation began, five centuries ago, symbolically reflects India’s efforts to push forward, seeking to reclaim spaces it has been absent from for too long. It now remains to be seen whether he will be able to follow up the love he is taking to Lisbon with deliverables.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

About the Author

Constantino Xavier

Former Fellow, Carnegie India

Constantino Xavier was a fellow at Carnegie India, based in New Delhi. His research focus is on India’s foreign policy, with emphasis on relations with its neighboring countries and South Asian regional security.

    Recent Work

  • Paper
    Bridging the Bay of Bengal: Toward a Stronger BIMSTEC

      Constantino Xavier

  • Paper
    India’s Expatriate Evacuation Operations: Bringing the Diaspora Home

      Constantino Xavier

Constantino Xavier
Former Fellow, Carnegie India
Constantino Xavier
Foreign PolicySouth AsiaIndiaWestern Europe

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Trump seated and gesturing while speaking
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The Iran War Is Making America Less Safe

    A conflict launched in the name of American security is producing the opposite effect.

      • Sarah Yerkes

      Sarah Yerkes

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Is it NATO’s Job to Support Trump’s War of Choice?

    Donald Trump has demanded that European allies send ships to the Strait of Hormuz while his war of choice in Iran rages on. He has constantly berated NATO while the alliance’s secretary-general has emphatically supported him.

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • India and a Changing Global Order: Foreign Policy in the Trump 2.0 Era
    Research
    India and a Changing Global Order: Foreign Policy in the Trump 2.0 Era

    Trump 2.0 has unsettled India’s external environment—but has not overturned its foreign policy strategy, which continues to rely on diversification, hedging, and calibrated partnerships across a fractured order.

      • Sameer Lalwani
      • +6

      Milan Vaishnav, ed., Sameer Lalwani, Tanvi Madan, …

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Lukashenko’s Bromance With Trump Has a Sell-By Date

    Lukashenko is willing to make big sacrifices for an invitation to Mar-a-Lago or the White House. He also knows that the clock is ticking: he must squeeze as much out of the Trump administration as he can before congressional elections in November leave Trump hamstrung or distracted.

      Artyom Shraibman

  • Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, wearing an orange cap, and the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, dressed in saffron robes, are greeting supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) during a roadshow ahead of the Indian General Elections in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India, on April 6, 2024.Trump raises hands behind a lecternCarney speaking on stage
    Collection
    The Middle Power Moment?

    The world has entered an era of upheaval—a period of heightened geopolitical rivalry, deepening political polarization, quickening technological change, glaring economic inequality, accelerating environmental crises, and eroding respect for international law. This moment of disruption and fluidity is also one of opportunity, however. It provides openings for middle powers, both established and emerging, to exercise unaccustomed agency and influence the future of global order.

    Carnegie scholars are analyzing middle power responses to this moment of upheaval and assessing whether—and under what conditions—these states can contribute to practical problem solving. They are asking critical, concrete questions: What countries, precisely, are we talking about when we refer to middle powers? In what issue areas do their priorities converge and diverge, including across North-South divides? In what domains can middle powers pack a punch, rather than produce a whimper? Are they willing to shoulder actual burdens and responsibility? Finally, how can middle powers assert themselves globally, without running afoul of or threatening their relations with the United States or China?

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.