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press release

To weather crises, Moscow must begin thinking strategically

To overcome its current challenges, Moscow must begin thinking strategically. Policy makers need to open space for public debate and engage in substantive discussions on critical global issues, and Western governments and institutions need to open the door to independent Russian voices.

Published on January 7, 2010

MOSCOW, Jan 7—The Kremlin was able to consolidate its domestic authority and assert itself globally during Russia’s economic boom, but economic, security, and governance crises have shaken Moscow’s confidence. If it is to overcome its current challenges, Moscow must begin thinking strategically. To do this, policy makers need to open space for public debate and engage in substantive discussions on critical global issues—and Western governments and institutions need to open the door to independent Russian voices—contends a new paper by Sam Greene and Dmitri Trenin.

Key Conclusions:

  • As the Kremlin centralized power, leaders cut themselves off from public feedback, leading to a disconnect between realities on the ground and several disastrous policy initiatives.
  • While the Kremlin is slowly beginning to open itself to outside opinions, it must rebuild trust and goodwill among public officials and nongovernmental experts if it is to revive a truly constructive dialogue.
  • Russia has failed to engage on key global issues—including financial regulation, climate change, and the “responsibility to protect”—and risks further marginalization. When it has made proposals, they are so far out of sync with global thinking that they fail to elicit a productive response.

While these challenges must be addressed by the Russian people and their leaders, the West can help:

  • Moscow is aware of its own weakness. There is no benefit for Western leaders to reiterate the point.
  • An institutionalized relationship based on treaties, membership of international organizations, and global cooperation is the best course of action. A bilateral relationship based solely on a personal bond between leaders allows the Kremlin to avoid tackling real issues.
  • President Obama’s approach on his first trip to Russia—depersonalized and pragmatic—struck exactly the right tone.

The authors conclude:

“If the West seeks to exploit Russia’s absence for its own competitive advantage, a future democratic Russia will rightly feel it has been mistreated, and Russia’s nationalists and isolationists will once again win the day. Eventually, Russia’s interests will have to be taken into account, and there is no reason that moment has to wait until the Kremlin learns to express them clearly and constructively.”

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NOTES

  • Dmitri Trenin is director of the Carnegie Moscow Center. He has been with the Center since its inception. He retired from the Russian Army in 1993. From 1993–1997, Trenin held posts as a senior research fellow at the NATO Defense College in Rome and as a senior research fellow at the Institute of Europe in Moscow.
  • Sam Greene, deputy director for operations, joined the Moscow Center in 2005. Before joining the Center, he was senior media program adviser for the New Eurasia Foundation, a London and Moscow correspondent for FT Business from 2002 to 2004, and a freelance journalist based in Moscow since 1999.
  • The Carnegie Moscow Center was established in 1993 and accommodates foreign and Russian researchers collaborating with Carnegie’s global network of scholars on a broad range of contemporary policy issues relevant to Russia—military, political, and economic.
  • The Carnegie Russia and Eurasia Program has, since the end of the Cold War, led the field on Eurasian security, including strategic nuclear weapons and nonproliferation, development, economic and social issues, governance, and the rule of law.
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.