Commentary
Alexey Malashenko
{
"authors": [
"Alexey Malashenko"
],
"type": "commentary",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Caucasus",
"Russia"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Security",
"Religion"
]
}
Source: Getty
Commentary
Dagestan on the Eve of the Olympics
The situation in Dagestan is chronically tense, and many analysts think that the civil war there continues. The conflict is accompanied by social Islamicization, as well as the growing influence of radical Islam and Salafi movements.
Published on Jan 16, 2014
Lives are lost in Dagestan practically every day. The situation in the republic is chronically tense, and many analysts, including those in the region, think that the civil war there continues. Dagestanis are tired of this war; they are sick of permanently living under stress. War has become part of their lives, and some even learned to talk about it with a morbid sense of humor.
The question of what sparked the civil war is no longer relevant. The question of how order in the republic can be restored has been left unanswered for almost two decades. Hardly anyone believes that the conflict can be resolved. Ramazan Abdulatipov, Dagestan’s president who was appointed in 2013, promised to restore order, but has found himself unable to effect any meaningful change.
The conflict is accompanied by Dagestan’s social Islamicization, as well as the growing influence of radical Islam and Salafi movements. The term “shariatization” is now increasingly used to describe the revival of sharia legal system (more than twenty sharia courts operate in Dagestan), the establishment of behavioral norms based exclusively on Islamic values, and the strict observance of religious restrictions. In some reported instances, “unknown assailants” knocked kvass (non-alcoholic Russian beverage) mugs out of people’s hands on the streets. It has become extremely hard to buy alcohol in Dagestan, even in its capital Makhachkala, despite the fact that 86 percent of Russian brandy is produced in Dagestan. Alcohol vendors have every reason to fear for their lives—a few stores and kiosks that sold alcoholic beverages were blown up by the militants.
Dagestani society is essentially split into three groups.
The first more numerous one adheres to traditional Islam and is supportive of the authorities.
The second one is smaller but more active. To varying degrees it endorses the Salafi ideas, and opposes the regime.
In general, both these groups support Dagestan’s Islamicization. However, while the first group believes this can be accomplished within the framework of the Russian Federation, the second group sees the creation of an Islamic state as the eventual goal, which is only possible outside of Russia. In other words, the second group harbors separatist aspirations.
There is also a third group which continues to stand up for the secular state, believing that Islamicization reverses modern trends and takes Dagestan farther away from Russia. This situation contributes to turning Dagestan and some other Caucasus regions into Russia’s internal abroad, living in accordance to their own traditions and norms. It appears that those supporting the secular state are gradually losing their positions.
During my Dagestan trip in December 2013, I occasionally came across the view that the tensions there may escalate even more, and a new flare-up of terrorist attacks is possible. The low-level civil war continues.
About the Author
Alexey Malashenko
Former Scholar in Residence, Religion, Society, and Security Program
Malashenko is a former chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Religion, Society, and Security Program.
- What Will Uzbekistan’s New President Do?
- Preserving the Calm in Russia’s Muslim CommunityCommentary
Alexey Malashenko
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- What Does Central Europe’s Post-Orban Russia Policy Look Like?Commentary
Though Orban is gone, Putin can still count on some like-minded individuals in Central and Eastern Europe. However, they will seek to avoid open confrontation with EU institutions over Ukraine and their ties with Moscow.
Dimitar Bechev
- Are Russia-Japan Relations Really Warming Up?Commentary
The truth is that Japan’s government is seeking a degree of reengagement but at a vastly reduced level than under Abe. Most significantly, Japan has shown no willingness to ease sanctions.
James D.J. Brown
- Continental Asia and the Rise of Portfolio PoliticsArticle
“Central Asia” as an analytical category is itself part of the problem. The term is a Soviet administrative inheritance, drawn along lines that served the convenience of Moscow. The Central Asian states the Soviets named no longer see themselves through this category alone and are not aligning across political blocs but are instead building external partnerships sector by sector, assigning different partners to different functions.
Jennifer B. Murtazashvili
- In Russia, Private Companies Have Been Left to Pick Up the Tab for Ukrainian Drone AttacksCommentary
The cost of air defense has become an unregistered tax on revenue for businesses. While military rents are consolidated in the federal budget, the costs of defense are being spread across the balance sheets of companies and regional governments.
Alexandra Prokopenko
- Trump and Xi Should Tackle a Previously Impossible AI ConversationCommentary
Previous dialogues ended in failure. This time could be different.
Scott Singer
