• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
Democracy
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Dmitri Trenin"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Levant",
    "Middle East",
    "Syria"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

The Syrian Crisis Is Now Russia’s to Resolve

America’s withdrawal creates an opportunity and a challenge for Moscow.

Link Copied
By Dmitri Trenin
Published on Oct 20, 2019

Source: Financial Times

The withdrawal of American forces from Syria is said to be a gift to Russia. As the sole power from outside the Middle East with military forces and political influence in Syria, Russia may indeed become the security manager in that country. But only if it rises to the occasion. So far Russia has earned the right to play a role in Syria, but if it wants to be the leading power, simply filling the void left by the US will not be enough.

It has long been observed that Americans create problems both when they move into foreign countries and when they leave. President Donald Trump’s decision to abandon the US’s Kurdish allies certainly invited the Turks to intervene on a larger scale than before. That presented Moscow with the unpalatable possibility of a direct collision between its allies in Ankara and Damascus. Russia is unlikely to have endorsed Turkey’s invasion, which threatened its system of regional balance. 

Russia owes its success in Syria so far to its ability to stay in touch with all relevant players in the region. This includes clear antagonists such as Israel and Iran, and Iran and Saudi Arabia. With Syria, Turkey, and Iran, Russia has built alliances that are more like the shifting alignments common in 18th century Europe than the solid blocs that developed after the second world war. These relationships are situational and limited in place, time, and objective. Russia does not betray its allies, but neither does it write blank cheques to them.

Moscow prides itself on saving Syria as a country, and preventing it from sliding into chaos like Libya. Yet, that does not mean Russia supports Bashar al-Assad’s ambition to bring the entire country to his heel at all cost. The Kremlin considered an all-out offensive on the rebel stronghold of Idlib too risky in terms of potential civilian casualties and the resultant backlash. It preferred containment and co-operation with Turkey to deal with the Isis jihadis there.

When Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan talks about dangers to his country’s security from groups linked to the Kurdistan Workers' party (PKK), Russia’s Vladimir Putin listens. Ankara’s previous incursions into Syrian territory aimed at securing the area along their shared border did not provoke strong reactions from the Kremlin.

It is probable that the Russians were notified in advance of this week’s invasion. However, Mr Putin is likely to have told Mr Erdogan that the purpose must really be rooting out terrorists — as Turkey claims — rather than a permanent occupation of Syrian territory or the overthrow of the regime in Damascus.

Russia may not have applauded the Kurds’ reliance on US support and assistance, but it advocated a measure of autonomy for them in postwar Syria, and did not back Damascus’s efforts to return to the situation before the war. Once the Kurds lost their American allies, Moscow helped them negotiate a deal with Damascus that allowed Syrian government troops to move into Kurdish-controlled territory to protect it from being overrun by Turkey.

Russia always regarded the American military presence in Syria as illegitimate, because they were in the country without the Syrian government’s consent. Simultaneous military operations by the US and Russia in the same country, but not exactly on the same side, obviously carried the risk of collision. Moscow and Washington, however, agreed on a mechanism to avoid conflict that has worked well.

The departing Americans are not only leaving the Russians as the only non-regional power in Syria, but also handing them a number of problems that Moscow will have to tackle from now on. The most pressing is the fate of the former Isis fighters now being guarded by the Kurds. Russia clearly understands the danger of freeing them to find another base for their activities. In 2015, the threat that Isis would take over Syria prompted Mr Putin to send troops there in the first place. Russia will also have to mediate between the Kurds, Damascus and Ankara.

Mr Putin recently said that the Russian military intervention in Syria had exceeded his expectations. Russia has saved the regime in Damascus, and defeated Isis, and, most importantly, restored its image as a great power. But Moscow is now deeply involved in the affairs of one of the world’s most turbulent regions. To continue its successful run, Russia must stay open to all partners and perfect its skills as a middleman. It also needs to be aware of its financial and economic limitations.

Finally, Russia should never seek to step into America’s shoes as the solver of the world’s problems. Moscow is learning that the reward for success is a whole new set of problems.

This article was originally published in Financial Times.

Dmitri Trenin
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
Political ReformLevantMiddle EastSyria

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • U.S. and Indian flags on display.
    Paper
    Indian Americans in a Time of Turbulence: 2026 Survey Results

    A new Carnegie survey of Indian Americans examines shifting vote preferences, growing political ambivalence, and rising concerns about discrimination amid U.S. policy changes and geopolitical uncertainty.

      • +1

      Milan Vaishnav, Sumitra Badrinathan, Devesh Kapur, …

  • BAGHDAD, IRAQ - OCTOBER 30: Turkish Trade Minister Omer Bolat (2nd L) and Iraqi Trade Minister Etir Davud Selman al-Greyri (3rd R) sign the JETCO 2nd Term Protocol and the Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in the Field of Exhibition Services during The 2nd Session Meeting of the Joint Economic and Trade Committee (JETCO), held to develop commercial and economic relations between Turkiye and Iraq in Iraq's Baghdad on October 30, 2025.
    Article
    The Evolving Middle Eastern Regional Order: Türkiye-Iraq Relations in Context

    In this moment of geopolitical fluidity, Türkiye and Iraq have been drawn to each other. Economic and security agreements can help solidify the relationship.

      • Meliha Altunışık

      Derya Göçer, Meliha Altunışık

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Can Europe Still Matter in Syria?

    Europe’s interests in Syria extend beyond migration management, yet the EU trails behind other players in the country’s post-Assad reconstruction. To boost its influence in Damascus, the union must upgrade its commitment to ensuring regional stability.

      Bianka Speidl, Hanga Horváth-Sántha

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Where Does the Split in the Ruling Tandem Leave Kyrgyzstan?

    Despite its reputation as an island of democracy in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan appears to be on the brink of becoming a personalist autocracy.

      Temur Umarov

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    In Uzbekistan, the President’s Daughter Is Now His Second-in-Command

    Having failed to build a team that he can fully trust or establish strong state institutions, Mirziyoyev has become reliant on his family.

      Galiya Ibragimova

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.