The Andaman and Nicobar Islands provide significant surveillance and monitoring advantages to India’s navy. If India can chart out a role for the islands in its maritime domain awareness project, it can achieve far greater deterrence through staging and power projection.
The United States cannot ignore nor extricate itself from Syria without durably harming its regional interests and the post-WWII liberal order it helped create. Only through discipline, commitment, and leadership can Washington help bring peace to Syria.
Any reset of the China-India relationship would necessarily include an effort to widen the areas of cooperation that will provide some balance against the many negative factors that are unsettling bilateral relations.
China and Russia have been cooperating closely over the past three decades. But since the Ukraine crisis, the process has become more dynamic. Moscow and Beijing are now coordinating their policies on a wider range of issues.
The U.S.-Saudi relationship is based on mutual expectations that are unlikely to be met. It will endure but it is likely to remain far more fraught and complex and, in the years ahead, increasingly less beneficial for the United States.
Yascha Mounk’s recent book comprehensively analyzes the looming threat of populism in established democracies, but neglects other causes of democratic weakness and offers few practical responses.
U.S. political leaders—Democrats and Republicans alike—must start prioritizing workers, consumers, and the middle class, rather than making the world safe for corporate investment.
Chinese authorities are now farther than ever from offering an alternative currency the world can trust. Those with longer-term doubts about the dollar will likely give Europe a second look.
By imposing tariffs on steel and aluminum imports, U.S. President Donald Trump is proposing a 19th century strategy in the context of a 21st century global economy.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s tariffs on steel and aluminum will likely come with costs to the global economic and diplomatic order that exceed their domestic benefits.
The central question isn’t whether China might continue to confound norms so much as what, precisely, is required for it to do so. And that, as ever, hinges on whether the Chinese government can strike the right balance between state intervention and market forces.
Being a successful secretary of state requires two things: first, the support of the president at home and abroad, and second, genuine opportunities beyond America’s shores that offer diplomacy a chance to manage or even fix problems.
With his relentless focus on “burden-sharing” and “America First”, U.S. President Trump could end up rearranging the political and security order in East Asia.
Europeans have, on paper, been able to make significant strides on defense cooperation over the past year.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Emmanuel Macron are well-placed to turn India and France into long-term partners in shaping the geopolitics of Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.
The UK prime minister has failed to present a compelling vision for post-Brexit Europe and remains indecisive about Britain’s future trade relationship with the EU.
Karnataka offers an alternative model state based not only on growth, but also on the closing of social and religious gaps, in contrast to the socio-economic, caste, and communal polarization which prevail in western and northern India.
Seoul wants to try diplomacy with Pyongyang. Where does that leave Washington?
The sorry position of the United States in the Middle East today ought to be sending President Trump a powerful message. The region bristles with American air and naval bases and major deployments, but despite all this military strength, the “go to” power in the region today is Russia.
As Washington, Rawalpindi, Kabul, and the Taliban recalibrate their positions, Afghanistan is entering a very fragile moment.