The United States responded to Chinese nuclear espionage by sanctioning Chinese state-owned entities and including U.S. technology protection in the China-U.S. nuclear cooperation agreement. In the future U.S. nuclear industry engagement in China may decline, reflecting greater perceived risk and China’s technology indigenization.
Congress should play a leading a role in steering the United States toward a strategically prudent and responsible missile defense policy—one that maximizes U.S. national security interests while averting an unnecessary nuclear arms race at a time when conventional challenges loom large.
Almost every U.S. nuclear delivery system, missile, and warhead will require some kind of modernization over the next ten to twenty years. Key elements of the nuclear command-and-control system and nuclear warhead infrastructure will too.
This fractured world will not organize itself. Washington has the opportunity to lead again, but if the United States chooses otherwise, Washington must not delude itself about the possible consequences.
There is no better bulwark against a return of Taliban rule than an educated Afghan society that rejects the Taliban’s ideology. But that will require continued U.S. engagement, including military presence.
Congress should lead the reorientation of assistance policies towards Egypt as well as urge administration engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in order to promote more constructive outcomes.
Proliferators take advantage of formal financial institutions to enable surreptitious nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs. Despite a number of challenges for financial institutions, they can be critical in the fight against illicit activity.
New START’s expiration will undermine U.S. security by removing all limits on Russia’s modernizing nuclear arsenal, by reducing our visibility into that arsenal. Extending New START will not create any new problems; the Treaty will continue to support U.S. national security goals
The current crisis is Libya’s worst in half a decade and, potentially, since the 2011 revolution. Unless swift action is taken to end the clashes and return to a political process, the damage may be irreparable.
Europe has started re-evaluating its policies with respect to the China challenge.
The United States is no longer the only big kid on the geopolitical block, but has an opportunity to lock in its role as the world’s pivotal power–still with a better hand to play than any of its rivals.
The overall risk of nuclear use is still very low. However, at least two factors are making that risk greater: growing nuclear competition among the United States, Russia, and China, and the risk of nuclear use by nuclear newcomer states.
As the United Kingdom seeks to bolster its trade with Australia, China, Japan, and India, the importance of sea lines of communications across the Indian ocean will grow and this will increase the strategic logic for the U.K. to have a naval presence in the region.
What the U.S. government, and particularly Congress, can do is scrutinize engagement with and assistance to Egypt in order to ensure that they promote stability for the nation rather than one man rule.
Egypt is on a dangerous course, one with grave implications for the United States. It will be difficult to reverse this trajectory, but Congress has an important opportunity to help the Trump administration tackle this thorny challenge by restoring U.S. credibility and influence with Egypt.
Although the United States and the EU do not always speak with one voice, they should coordinate and present a united front as Chinese capital continues to flow towards the European continent.
It is true that Libya is often overshadowed by a host of other crises and challenges that demand America’s attention. But the country remains a place of great potential and resilience, and it affects U.S. and European interests beyond the threat of terrorism.
Brussels should compartmentalise its approach to Washington: Finding possible agreements over shared concerns while staunchly defending the Iran nuclear deal itself.
As Europe takes its own steps to scrutinize Chinese economic practices more closely, there is now significant potential for greater transatlantic dialogue and cooperation on China.
The argument that is often made against active engagement on human rights issues in Egypt is that no matter what the United States does, the situation will not improve. This is not true.