Europe’s policy should start with a clear identification of those elements of Sino-Russian cooperation that are detrimental for EU’s interests and that whose direction it can influence.
If China has given up on multipolarity because it is seeking its unipolar dream, it is up to India and the EU – including Germany – to work in ways that ensure that the world remains multipolar.
The conventional wisdom is that the special relationship between Washington and London will suffer a blow under President-elect Joe Biden. But that needn’t happen.
No community wants to feel it is being engaged with because it is a “problem”—a “difficulty” that has come from “outside.” Rather, they want to be recognized as integral to the society of which they are a part, and given assistance in order to excel—not because the establishment fears them.
A Biden administration is going to be expressing a lot of public dissatisfaction with different elements of the powers struggling for influence in the Middle East–and that will be a significant difference from the Trump era.
As the transition from Donald Trump to Joe Biden proceeds in less than optimal fashion, the first order of business for America is regaining strength.
The current furor around France’s relationship with its Muslim citizens in recent weeks seems new, but contemporary European history would teach us otherwise.
The world Biden will inherit is a far cry from the one he occupied when he was the vice-president and during the 1990s when he chaired the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. America’s unipolar moment has long been relegated to the dustbin of history.
The India-U.S. relationship is too big to fail. But as U.S. president-elect Joe Biden aims to restore America’s role in the global order, India must play to its own interests.
For Israelis and Americans, the incoming Biden administration will help preserve and strengthen the relationship.
A bloody six-week war in Nagorno-Karabakh is over, after a peace agreement brokered by Moscow was signed by the leaders of Azerbaijan and Armenia. As the dust settles, Azerbaijan appears to be the clear winner, while Armenia has suffered a bitter defeat. There are, however, two other powers that have benefited from the conflict and the resolution effort: Turkey and Russia.
The second Karabakh War is seemingly over, and as one side celebrates and another mourns, experts, opinion makers and their ilk are trying to gauge what the Kremlin-brokered, Erdogan-approved truce might bring. How will the power balance change in the region, who are the winners and losers, and, finally, what impact will it have on Georgia? These are the topics GEORGIA TODAY put to one of the Moscow Carnegie Center's most prominent faces, Dmitri Trenin.
Saeb was a unique figure among Palestinian officials and negotiators with whom we dealt.
As Putin refuses to congratulate Biden, all eyes in the Kremlin are on the president-elect’s new team.
Turkey has begun to take steps toward a more coherent economic policy, but its outcome will ultimately be determined by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Russia and Turkey have brokered a peace deal for the Nagorny Karabakh conflict that greatly enhances their military presence in a region where they were losing influence.
As long as the order can be certified as coming from the president, and as long as military officials involved in implementing the decision do not object to the order as violating the law of armed conflict, U.S. forces are expected to carry out the order.
The protest in Russia is becoming increasingly anti-Putin, as the example of Khabarovsk shows. From all flanks, left and right, not specifically liberal.
Crown Prince Mohammed is well aware that the U.S.-Saudi relationship may still be regarded as too big and important to fail, an impending victory for Joe Biden means the end of the zone of immunity the Trump administration crafted around Saudi Arabia.
While Beijing may appreciate soon having a more predictable set of interlocutors it should not expect them to be more pliable.