On Wednesday, October 18, Russia reiterated its call to press forward with START III (Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty), and limit American and Russian deployed strategic warheads to 1,500 each. Moscow also reaffirmed its position that any nuclear cuts would depend on the "preservation and strengthening of the immutability" of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty. Russia said that U.S. deployment of a national missile defense would lead to the "destruction" of the ABM Treaty, adding that Moscow "has not held and will not hold negotiations on the 'adaptation' of the ABM Treaty."
Mending the sad state of relations between Israel, Palestinians, and Arab countries is not merely an issue of peace-making, but rather of reconciliation. And this simply cannot be achieved without addressing the deep-rooted feelings of hatred which have become socially ingrained over the years.
The drive to deploy a National Missile Defense System in the United States is not driven primarily by threats or technology, but by politics. It is motivated primarily by deeply-held conservative political and strategic views on the nature of international conflict.
In the wake of President Clinton's decision to delay deployment of a national missile defense (NMD) system, missile defense advocates are crying foul. They insist that the technology is here today. They claim a Clinton conspiracy is depriving the nation of effective defense.
Russia is the one exception to U.S. success in dissuading nuclear cooperation with Iran - success, which includes China and Ukraine, according to Assistant Secretary of State for Non-proliferation, Robert Einhorn. In testimony before a U.S Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on October 5, he blamed Moscow's "lack of determination" in failing to stop Iran's procurement of nuclear materials in Russia.
As a result of budget constraints, Russia's Strategic Missile Forces are having problems procuring new missiles, <i>Defense News</i> reports.
Russian President Vladimir Putin's visit to India has underscored Moscow's willingness to continue its nuclear cooperation with New Delhi, while strengthening Indo-Russian defense ties. Mr Putin's unprecedented visit to the center of India's nuclear weaponization program -- Bhabha Atomic Research Center - was perceived "like a blessing from the top for Indo-Russian nuclear ties." The two countries also signed a memorandum of understanding expanding cooperation in peaceful nuclear energy. Details were not forthcoming, but The Hindu quoted sources saying the memorandum "is a Russian commitment to contribute to India's growing nuclear energy requirements."
A recently announced U.S. arms deal with Taiwan immediately prompted an angry response from Beijing, which warned that there would be "serious consequences" if the deal is approved.
The book's six case studies investigate the role of transnational civil society in the global anti-corruption movement, nuclear arms control, dam-building and sustainability, democracy movements, landmines, and human rights.
Last week a commission headed by Republican Rep. Christopher Cox of California released a report sharply critical of the conduct of U.S. policy toward Russia. On the eve of an election and a new administration, the report does the country a service in sparking a debate on Russia policy.
The financial crash of August 1998 delivered a shock to the Russian elite that it so well needed. Russia's problem was never too much "shock therapy," but on the contrary that the reformers were unfortunately too feeble so that they failed to impose both the necessary shock and undertake sufficiently radical reforms.
Pakistan reportedly has begun full-scale production of the Shaheen I, a 600 km-range, nuclear-capable ballistic missile, successfully tested in April 1999. On September 21, the Pakistani daily The News quoted an unnamed government official saying, "mass production of Shaheen, which can hit Indian strategic points like Mumbai [formerly known as Bombay] and others with 100% accuracy, has started.
The difficulties facing U.S.’ leadership in nonproliferation efforts are due in large part to the fierce partisan divide that characterizes recent American politics. However, the historical record and declared positions of President Bush indicate that he may be willing and able to implement sweeping arms reductions and advance arms control measures more effectively than the Clinton administration.