• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Mahdi Abdul Hadi"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "blog": "Sada",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Middle East",
    "Israel",
    "Palestine"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform"
  ]
}
SADA
REQUIRED IMAGE

REQUIRED IMAGE

Commentary
Sada

Palestine: Social Impact of the Islamist-Secularist Struggle

The changing political balance in Palestine —from domination by the secular nationalist Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) to effective challenge for leadership by the Islamist Resistance Movement (Hamas)—can be seen not only at the ballot box, but also in the daily lives of Palestinians.

Link Copied
By Mahdi Abdul Hadi
Published on Aug 18, 2008
Sada

Blog

Sada

Sada is an online journal rooted in Carnegie’s Middle East Program that seeks to foster and enrich debate about key political, economic, and social issues in the Arab world and provides a venue for new and established voices to deliver reflective analysis on these issues.

Learn More

The changing political balance in Palestine —from domination by the secular nationalist Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) to effective challenge for leadership by the Islamist Resistance Movement (Hamas)—can be seen not only at the ballot box, but also in the daily lives of Palestinians. While Islamic culture has deep roots in Palestine, there is a discernable change in social customs and behavior among the middle class in the last decade. For now secular and Islamist trends are coexisting in society, but secularists are losing influence steadily.

The process of social Islamization in Palestine differs somewhat from that in other Arab countries due to the profound impact of external factors over the past three decades. First, the policies and practices of the Israeli military occupation have forced Palestinians to adapt their daily behavior to deal with domination by a coercive power. Second, the culture of the Israeli society—with its currents of European secular thought but also the ascendance of Jewish religious revivalism—has had a bearing on Palestinian thinking. Third, the combination of externally-financed economic modernization and security-motivated restrictions on movement has widened the social gap between a wealthier urban society with access to services and facilities and a poorer, geographically isolated rural society. Palestinians, whether secularist or Islamist in orientation, have had to develop their own methods of coping in order to maintain their heritage and avoid internal disputes that might lead to the downfall of all.

Evolving Palestinian customs reflect this social bifurcation—but also efforts at coexistence—between Islamists and secularists. "Houses of condolence," for example, where mourners pay respect to the deceased, nowadays are often held in a municipal hall rather than a family home. If the family of the deceased is secularist, the event often becomes a social salon where men and women pay their respects side by side, without the Quran being recited as it is usually done in an Islamic Arab society. Islamists, on the other hand, have special halls used as houses of condolence, which are attended by men only and feature Quranic recitation. Similarly, for weddings secularists hold evening celebrations for men and women together while Islamists organize special lunch events for men only or evening celebrations with males separated from females.

Religious services themselves may be divided. In one of the villages in the Ramallah district, for example, there is a regular mosque and another for Hamas. The imam of the former delivers a Friday sermon focusing on social issues, while the imam of the latter preaches that "Islam is the solution," based on the idea that Islam is threatened or that there is a conspiracy against the Muslims.

Generally, Palestinian Islamists and secularists are able to discuss and critique each other's customs peaceably, though often with clear manifestations of their differences. In one recent incident, a group of young men left a mosque in the West Bank village of Al Bireh as the Imam was delivering a Friday sermon. They were protesting the politicization of worship because the Imam had called for a boycott of the proposed referendum over the so-called Prisoners' Document signed by Hamas and Fatah inmates. Another example is that there are generally no conflicts with Islamists when secularists decline to enter a mosque during a funeral (every Muslim, whether religious or not, must have a prayer before burial); those who did not attend the prayer simply wait outside and then join the procession afterward along with their religious brethren.

Amicability and mutual tolerance between Islamists and secularists, however, are not universal and cannot conceal the long-term trend of expanding Islamist power among the middle class, which suffers the most from the many shocks and deprivations Palestinians face. The Islamist-dominated municipal council in the northern West Bank city of Qalqilia, for example, recently banned a musical event that was open to all residents and painted the windows and doors of the municipal building in the green color favored by Islamists. Secularists are increasingly unable to affect public opinion, as they avoid speaking out publicly for fear of being branded atheists or traitors to the Palestinian cause. PLO Executive Committee member Yasser Abed Rabbo had such an experience recently after openly criticizing the Hamas government. What was notable—and sad—about the episode was the fact that no secularist, whether from within the PLO, Fatah, or nongovernmental organizations, came to Abed Rabbo's defense.

Mahdi Abdel Hadi is founder and chairman of the Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA) in Jerusalem.

About the Author

Mahdi Abdul Hadi

Mahdi Abdul Hadi
Political ReformMiddle EastIsraelPalestine

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Sada

  • Commentary
    Sada
    The Channels of China’s Currency Promotion in Gulf Markets

    Is the Gulf moving beyond the dollar? This article examines how China is expanding the renminbi's role across Gulf markets, what that means for regional finance, and why the future of global currencies is more complex than the de-dollarization debate suggests.

      Andrew Bonney

  • Commentary
    Sada
    A New Patrimonialism is Undermining Syria’s Transition

    Syria's transition promised a fresh start. But are old habits of power making a comeback? This analysis looks at the warning signs and what it will take to build a more accountable state.

      Sima Beitinjaneh

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Syria on the Brink of Water Scarcity: Climate Change, Drought, and Threats to Food Security

    Syria’s worsening drought is no longer a seasonal crisis. This report explains what climate change is doing to rainfall, groundwater, and food security, and what solutions experts say are still possible.

      Milia Esper

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Digital Dissent in Morocco: A Sociological Analysis of the Generation Z Movement

    From anime heroes to online gaming communities, Morocco’s Gen Z is building a new protest culture. What does this digital imagination reveal about youth politics, and how should institutions respond?

      Abdelilah Farah

  • Commentary
    Sada
    Duqm at the Crossroads: Oman’s Strategic Port and Its Role in Vision 2040

    In a volatile Middle East, the Omani port of Duqm offers stability, neutrality, and opportunity. Could this hidden port become the ultimate safe harbor for global trade?

      Giorgio Cafiero, Samuel Ramani

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.