• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Michael Pettis"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie China"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
  "programAffiliation": "AP",
  "programs": [
    "Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "South America"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Economy",
    "Trade",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie China

Trade Deficit With Mexico Is Good for America

While the global trading system clearly needs fixing, punishing Mexican exporters would do little to address the fundamental problem of excess savings in certain countries.

Link Copied
By Michael Pettis
Published on Feb 8, 2017
Program mobile hero image

Program

Asia

The Asia Program in Washington studies disruptive security, governance, and technological risks that threaten peace, growth, and opportunity in the Asia-Pacific region, including a focus on China, Japan, and the Korean peninsula.

Learn More

Source: Bloomberg

President Donald Trump is right about one thing: The U.S. trade deficit with the rest of the world -- which topped $500 billion last year -- is unhealthy. It puts upward pressure on U.S. unemployment that can only be countered with policies that lead to rising debt.

It doesn’t follow, however, that the worst culprits are always the countries that run the biggest trade imbalances with the United States. Global trade is complex, and trade imbalances between any two countries may be the result of imbalances generated by policies elsewhere. Interventions that target specific nations can actually make the overall U.S. trade deficit worse.

Mexico is a case in point. The country is America’s third-largest trading partner, with $525 billion in annual trade between them. It exports goods to the U.S. worth nearly $63 billion more than it imports. Only three other countries run larger surpluses with the U.S., making Mexico an obvious target for the Trump administration.

The headline number, however, doesn’t tell the full story. Despite its surplus with the U.S., Mexico has the world’s seventh-largest current account deficit overall, equal to 2.8 percent of its GDP; trade accounts for half of the deficit. Countries with current account deficits invest more than they save and must fund the difference with foreign capital. Mexico is thus a net importer of capital.

Compare this with China’s $347 billion bilateral surplus with the U.S., Japan’s $69 billion and Germany’s $65 billion. All three of these trade surpluses are only part of the larger surpluses each country runs with the whole world. Countries with trade surpluses, of course, must export the excess savings that they are unable to invest domestically, making these three also the world’s three largest net exporters of capital, at $293 billion, $138 billion and $285 billion, respectively.

Their high savings rates reflect low consumption levels in each country as a share of GDP. Consumption is weak, in turn, because ordinary households retain disproportionately low GDP shares relative to government, businesses and the wealthy. Because their own consumers can’t absorb all that these nations produce, they must export their excess production, along with their excess savings, into a world reluctant to take either.

Countries can limit their vulnerability to these excesses by directly or indirectly restricting capital inflows. But the U.S., with its deep and flexible financial markets, imposes no capital barriers, making it the automatic shock absorber for the world’s excess savings. Nearly half of the world’s net capital exports flow intothe U.S. The only way to accommodate all this money is by running persistent trade deficits.

Most economists misunderstand the relationship between trade and capital flows, perhaps because for most of history it was much simpler. In the past, trade between two countries mainly reflected differences in production costs; capital flowed between them mostly to balance imports and exports. In other words, trade determined the direction of net capital flows.

No longer. Capital flows have grown many times larger than trade flows, with merchandise trade accounting for just over 1 percent of daily foreign-exchange trading volume, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Independent investment decisions now force trade to adjust, shifting the relative prices of traded goods by altering interest rates or exchange rates.

Unlike China, Japan or Germany, Mexico doesn’t export capital or run trade surpluses with the rest of the world. Instead it absorbs excess global savings and manufactured products, just as the U.S. does. Mexico’s large bilateral trade surplus with its northern neighbor is mainly a consequence of the logistical convenience of a shared border and streamlined regulations. Japan, for instance, might directly export excess savings to the U.S. and indirectly export excess production, in the form of intermediate goods shipped to several countries in the value chain, including Mexico, which in turn run trade surpluses with the United States.

If the Trump administration were to penalize Mexican imports, U.S. trade deficits with Mexico would almost certainly shrink. But the deficits America runs with other countries would expand even more. Why? Because U.S. intervention would make Mexico less attractive to foreign capital. Instead that capital would end up in the U.S. -- and the problem would intensify if other Latin American countries suffered contagion effects from Mexico. Higher net inflows into the U.S. would inexorably force accommodating price adjustments that raised the total U.S. trade deficit by equivalent amounts, even as the deficit with Mexico receded.

Mexico’s trade surplus with the U.S. is a red herring. Its large trade deficit with the rest of the world reduces global imbalances and so helps moderate the U.S. deficit. While the global trading system clearly needs fixing, punishing Mexican exporters would do little to address the fundamental problem of excess savings in certain countries. Worst of all, it would only make U.S. trade even more unbalanced.

This article originally appeared in Bloomberg.

About the Author

Michael Pettis

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie China

Michael Pettis is a nonresident senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. An expert on China’s economy, Pettis is professor of finance at Peking University’s Guanghua School of Management, where he specializes in Chinese financial markets. 

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    What GDP Means in a Soft Budget Economy Like China

      Michael Pettis

  • Commentary
    What’s New about Involution?

      Michael Pettis

Michael Pettis
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie China
Michael Pettis
EconomyTradeForeign PolicyNorth AmericaUnited StatesSouth America

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    What’s Having More Impact on Russian Oil Export Revenues: Ukrainian Strikes or Rising Prices?

    Although Ukrainian strikes have led to a noticeable decline in the physical volume of Russian oil exports, the rise in prices has more than made up for it.

      • Sergey Vakulenko

      Sergey Vakulenko

  • Shipping port at dawn from above
    Commentary
    Emissary
    The U.S. Export-Import Bank Was Built for a Different Era. Here's How to Fix It.

    Five problems—and solutions—to make it actually work as a tool of great power competition.

      • Afren Akhter

      Afreen Akhter

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia Is Meddling for Meddling’s Sake in the Middle East

    The Russian leadership wants to avoid a dangerous precedent in which it is squeezed out of Iran by the United States and Israel—and left powerless to respond in any meaningful way.

      Nikita Smagin

  • Man speaking into two mics
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Three Scenarios for the Gulf States After the Iran War

    One is hopeful. One is realistic. One is cautionary.

      • Andrew Leber

      Andrew Leber, Sam Worby

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    The Fog of AI War

    In Ukraine, Gaza, and Iran, AI warfare has come to dominate, with barely any oversight or accountability. Europe must lead the charge on the responsible use of new military technologies.

      Raluca Csernatoni

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.