• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "C. Raja Mohan"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie India"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie India",
  "programAffiliation": "SAP",
  "programs": [
    "South Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Asia",
    "South Asia",
    "India",
    "East Asia",
    "China"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Nuclear Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie India

Modi in China: The Nuclear Dimension

India should judge the possibilities for civil nuclear cooperation with China on the basis of technical merit and economic costs. Delhi should not allow political reservations, especially on the Sino-Pak nuclear nexus, to come in the way of atomic energy cooperation between India and China.

Link Copied
By C. Raja Mohan
Published on May 14, 2015
Program mobile hero image

Program

South Asia

The South Asia Program informs policy debates relating to the region’s security, economy, and political development. From strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific to India’s internal dynamics and U.S. engagement with the region, the program offers in-depth, rigorous research and analysis on South Asia’s most critical challenges.

Learn More

Source: Indian Express

The idea of civil nuclear cooperation between India and China might sound counter intuitive, but has long been in the realm of interesting possibilities between the two countries.

If Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Chinese interlocutors unveil this week a political agreement to launch substantive civil nuclear energy cooperation, they could help reduce the negative salience of the atomic question in bilateral relations.

China’s assistance to Pakistan’s nuclear weapon programme in the past, its harsh reaction to India’s atomic tests in 1998, opposition to the India-U.S. nuclear deal of 2005, and the more recent deployment of Chinese nuclear submarines in the Indian Ocean have all made the atomic discourse between Delhi and Beijing a confrontational one.

But the dark story of India-China nuclear engagement has not been without moments of brightness. In the early 1990s, when Delhi was struggling to ensure supply of enriched uranium to the U.S.-built Tarapur reactors, China stepped in to help out.

During the visit of President Hu Jintao to Delhi in November 2006, the two sides began to discuss proposals for launching more serious atomic engagement between the two countries. His successor Xi Jinping’s travel to India last September saw a more definitive affirmation of the case of civil nuclear energy cooperation between Delhi and Beijing.

“As large developing countries committed to promoting the use of clean energy”, Modi and Xi had declared, “India and China believe that expansion of civil nuclear energy program is an essential component of their national energy plans to ensure energy security”.

The two leaders agreed to “carry out bilateral cooperation in civil nuclear energy in line with their respective international commitments, including working level consultations between the Department of Atomic Energy of India and the China Atomic Energy Authority.”

It is not clear if enough consultations have taken place between the two atomic energy establishments to produce an MoU for example on the sale of Chinese nuclear power reactors to India during Modi’s visit.

Although the Indian side is mum on the question, Chinese officials speaking to the Indian media in recent weeks have expressed their strong interest in joining other countries in developing India’s nuclear power sector. Over the last two decades, China’s civilian atomic energy industry has matured thanks to an emphasis on development of indigenous capabilities through international cooperation.

Beijing is now eager to export its nuclear power reactors. Besides its plans to build new reactors in Pakistan, China has been exploring export opportunities in Argentina, Britain and Romania.

India should judge the possibilities for civil nuclear cooperation with China on the basis of technical merit and economic costs. Delhi should not allow political reservations, especially on the Sino-Pak nuclear nexus, to come in the way of atomic energy cooperation between India and China.

Despite their multiple differences and growing strategic contestation in Asia, China and the United States are eager to develop nuclear energy cooperation. President Barack Obama has asked the U.S. Senate this week to approve a new 30-year civil nuclear cooperation agreement with China.

The agreement will allow the exchange of nuclear material, equipment and technology between the two countries. Climate change has been a major driver behind the Obama Administration’s decision. It should also animate the discussions between Modi and the Chinese leadership on moving quickly towards atomic energy cooperation.

This article was originally published in the Indian Express.

About the Author

C. Raja Mohan

Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India

A leading analyst of India’s foreign policy, Mohan is also an expert on South Asian security, great-power relations in Asia, and arms control.

    Recent Work

  • Article
    Deepening the India-France Maritime Partnership

      C. Raja Mohan, Darshana M. Baruah

  • Commentary
    Shanghai Cooperation Organization at Crossroads: Views From Moscow, Beijing and New Delhi
      • Alexander Gabuev
      • +1

      Alexander Gabuev, Paul Haenle, C. Raja Mohan, …

C. Raja Mohan
Former Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie India
Foreign PolicyNuclear PolicyAsiaSouth AsiaIndiaEast AsiaChina

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • India and a Changing Global Order: Foreign Policy in the Trump 2.0 Era
    Research
    India and a Changing Global Order: Foreign Policy in the Trump 2.0 Era

    Trump 2.0 has unsettled India’s external environment—but has not overturned its foreign policy strategy, which continues to rely on diversification, hedging, and calibrated partnerships across a fractured order.

      • Sameer Lalwani
      • +6

      Milan Vaishnav, ed., Sameer Lalwani, Tanvi Madan, …

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Lukashenko’s Bromance With Trump Has a Sell-By Date

    Lukashenko is willing to make big sacrifices for an invitation to Mar-a-Lago or the White House. He also knows that the clock is ticking: he must squeeze as much out of the Trump administration as he can before congressional elections in November leave Trump hamstrung or distracted.

      Artyom Shraibman

  • Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, wearing an orange cap, and the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, dressed in saffron robes, are greeting supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) during a roadshow ahead of the Indian General Elections in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India, on April 6, 2024.Trump raises hands behind a lecternCarney speaking on stage
    Collection
    The Middle Power Moment?

    The world has entered an era of upheaval—a period of heightened geopolitical rivalry, deepening political polarization, quickening technological change, glaring economic inequality, accelerating environmental crises, and eroding respect for international law. This moment of disruption and fluidity is also one of opportunity, however. It provides openings for middle powers, both established and emerging, to exercise unaccustomed agency and influence the future of global order.

    Carnegie scholars are analyzing middle power responses to this moment of upheaval and assessing whether—and under what conditions—these states can contribute to practical problem solving. They are asking critical, concrete questions: What countries, precisely, are we talking about when we refer to middle powers? In what issue areas do their priorities converge and diverge, including across North-South divides? In what domains can middle powers pack a punch, rather than produce a whimper? Are they willing to shoulder actual burdens and responsibility? Finally, how can middle powers assert themselves globally, without running afoul of or threatening their relations with the United States or China?

  • Worker pushing machinery toward a car frame
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Europe’s New Industrial Policy Can Learn From U.S. Mistakes

    Although the IAA often differs from the IRA, European policymakers can still take note of the U.S. act’s shortcomings.

      Milo McBride

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Time to Merge the Commission and EEAS

    The EU is structurally incapable of reacting to today’s foreign policy crises. The union must fold the EEAS into the European Commission and create a security council better prepared to take action on the global stage.

      Stefan Lehne

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.