Paper
George Perkovich
{
"authors": [
"George Perkovich"
],
"type": "other",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie Europe"
],
"collections": [
"U.S. Nuclear Policy"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"programAffiliation": "NPP",
"programs": [
"Nuclear Policy"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"Caucasus",
"Russia",
"Western Europe",
"Europe"
],
"topics": [
"Nuclear Policy",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}
Source: Getty
Other
Like Wedding Rings or Euros? Nuclear Weapons in Europe
While security conditions in Europe remain relatively benign, NATO states should recapitalize their security commitments and clarify their crisis decisionmaking procedures.
Published on Dec 14, 2011
NATO is conducting a Deterrence and Defense Posture Review to be completed prior to the May 2012 NATO summit that President Obama will host in Chicago. Among other things, the review will consider what the role of nuclear weapons should be in NATO’s overall military policies and posture.
The good news is that NATO does not now face threats against which it would be necessary or credible to use nuclear weapons, except if Russia or a future nuclear-armed Iran were to threaten the existence of an allied state first. The bad news is that NATO’s nuclear weapons are not useful against the threats that are most likely to arise, such as cyberattacks, energy-supply blackmail, or political subversion. The underappreciated news is that some states believe nuclear weapons are such a safe and protean asset that they will protect against a wide range of threats. This belief encourages leveraging the nuclear deterrent to cover positions that in fact should be backed by real capital in the form of new nonnuclear capabilities and policies.
Rather than a wedding ring that reassuringly symbolizes commitment, as defenders of the status quo argue, the NATO arsenal of nuclear bombs may be more like the euro. In that case, NATO states should learn from the euro crisis. While security conditions in Europe remain relatively benign, they should recapitalize their security commitments and clarify their crisis decisionmaking procedures.
About the Author
George Perkovich
Japan Chair for a World Without Nuclear Weapons, Senior Fellow
George Perkovich is the Japan Chair for a World Without Nuclear Weapons and a senior fellow in the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Nuclear Policy Program. He works primarily on nuclear deterrence, nonproliferation, and disarmament issues, and is leading a study on nuclear signaling in the 21st century.
- How to Assess Nuclear ‘Threats’ in the Twenty-First Century
- “A House of Dynamite” Shows Why No Leader Should Have a Nuclear TriggerCommentary
George Perkovich
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Carnegie’s Summer Beach ReadsCommentary
Carnegie experts recommend the books that kept them turning pages—and learning along the way.
- +8
Sophia Besch, Eric Ciaramella, Steve Feldstein, …
- Taking the Pulse: Enough with the Annual NATO Summits, Already?Commentary
Over the past ten years, NATO has held almost as many summits as it did during the entirety of the Cold War. Are they still useful, or is it time to stop holding annual meetings?
Rym Momtaz, ed.
- Are Russia’s Influential Rotenberg Brothers Headed for a Fall?Commentary
The security forces are targeting Arkady and Boris Rotenberg’s patronage network—and in Putin’s Russia, it’s extremely hard to stop a purge once it’s under way.
Mikhail Komin
- What’s Driving the Trump Administration’s Push to Dismantle the ICC?Commentary
The move is an escalation of its war on multilateralism.
Stewart Patrick
- Europe from Scratch: Visions for a New European OrderReport
As the EU confronts profound challenges, several leaders have called for fundamental reform to the union’s model—but only modest, superficial changes have resulted. What if Europe really could be reimagined from zero today: What should such a redesigned European order look like?
Richard Youngs, ed.
