• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Judy Dempsey"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Europe"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "Europe’s Eastern Neighborhood"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "ctw",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Europe",
  "programAffiliation": "EP",
  "programs": [
    "Europe"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Russia",
    "Europe",
    "Eastern Europe",
    "Ukraine",
    "Western Europe",
    "Germany",
    "Iran"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie Europe

Europe Is Completely Divided Over How to Respond to Russia

Europe is divided over how to respond to Russia’s invasion of Crimea. The most powerful figure in the diplomatic tango is Germany’s Angela Merkel.

Link Copied
By Judy Dempsey
Published on Mar 4, 2014
Program mobile hero image

Program

Europe

The Europe Program in Washington explores the political and security developments within Europe, transatlantic relations, and Europe’s global role. Working in coordination with Carnegie Europe in Brussels, the program brings together U.S. and European policymakers and experts on strategic issues facing Europe.

Learn More

Source: Public Radio International

Europe is scrambling to defuse the crisis over Russia’s incursion into the Crimean region of Ukraine. And the most powerful figure in the diplomatic tango is Germany’s Angela Merkel.

Merkel speaks Russian, grew up in the former Communist East Germany and leads the most powerful country in Europe. But so far, she has not been able to lead European leaders to a single point of view. Nor is there a unified view even in her own country.

“Berlin is quite divided about this,” says Judy Dempsey of Carnegie Europe. “[Merkel] knows Vladimir Putin. She knows his KGB past. She has a very difficult relationship with him and she knows exactly what’s at stake.”

But Dempsey says the German Foreign Ministry is controlled by the Social Democrats. “They’re very much this old-fashioned, ostpolitik, with a ‘keep talking, move slowly, don’t alienate Russia’ approach to dealing with Moscow.” So Dempsey says it will be up to Merkel to decide how tough Germany will be with Russia. “And what Merkel decides will influence the overall EU attitude.”

The divisions within Europe over how to respond to the crisis mirror the divisions within Germany. Dempsey finds this astonishing given the potential for instability.

“There are experts, including Russian experts, who believe that Putin won’t stop just at Crimea, that he might just go a step further, toward Odessa.” Dempsey says the implications for neighboring Moldova would be huge — and Merkel knows this.

“She has to decide which way she’s going to jump and, once she jumps, she’ll have to bring in the other EU member states behind her.” But Dempsey says that won’t be easy.

“At the moment they’re just so divided. They can’t agree on the sanctions. They can’t agree on the policies. They can’t agree how tough they should be. They have no hard power. This is all about soft power and they can’t even agree how to use soft power.”

Sweden wants tough sanctions against Russia. So does Poland. The Baltic states want much tougher action against Russia.

“Italy is saying, ‘Oh well, another crisis. We can’t corner Putin,’” Dempsey says. Britain hasn’t gotten tough yet, but she thinks Prime Minister David Cameron might move in that direction, with a caveat.

“Britain may come around to being much tougher, but remember, if Britain agrees to sanctions on assets, well, you know where most of Russia’s assets are at the moment? They’re in London,” she explains.

France, Dempsey says, is slightly ambiguous. “They’re willing to give diplomacy a chance. If push comes to shove, I think President Hollande will go for sanctions, depending on what they are and whether anyone can agree on sanctions.”

Part of Germany’s influence with Moscow is that it is Russia’s most important trading partner, mostly in oil and energy. And there are more than 5,000 German companies with operations in Russia. Dempsey doesn’t believe Putin will stop German companies from operating or void their contracts because Russia needs German know-how and technology.

“If he restricted German businesses in Russia, he would lose an awful lot and, at the end of the day, the Russian economy would suffer.”

Dempsey believes the Russian economy is the key to ending the crisis. “Yesterday and today, the stock markets in Russia plummeted to the lowest in five years. $12 billion have been wiped off Gasprom, Russia’s state energy monopoly, which is Putin’s political and economic instrument.”

She says Russia’s central bank is trying to prop up the ruble and she thinks capital flight from foreign investors will probably be accelerated because of the crisis in Crimea. “This isn’t going to be a short crisis,” says Dempsey, who added that the same things happened during the 2008 crisis when Russia invaded Georgia.

“This is different. This is big time. This is Ukraine. If this is sustained, this sort of chiseling into stock markets and into Russian capital and foreign direct investment, it will really affect Putin because [what] he has relied on for so long is oil and gas.”

Dempsey says German officials have long encouraged Putin to diversify his economy, to no avail. “At the moment, I think this is a big weakness for him.”

This interview was originally aired on Public Radio International.

About the Author

Judy Dempsey

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe

Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Europe Needs to Hear What America is Saying

      Judy Dempsey

  • Commentary
    Babiš’s Victory in Czechia Is Not a Turning Point for European Populists

      Judy Dempsey

Judy Dempsey
Nonresident Senior Fellow, Carnegie Europe
Judy Dempsey
Foreign PolicyRussiaEuropeEastern EuropeUkraineWestern EuropeGermanyIran

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Will Hungary’s New Leader Really Change EU Policy on Russia and Ukraine?

    Orbán created an image for himself as virtually the only opponent of aid to Ukraine in the entire EU. But in reality, he was simply willing to use his veto to absorb all the backlash, allowing other opponents to remain in the shadows.

      Maksim Samorukov

  • Commentary
    Diwan
    Realism and the Lebanon-Israel Talks

    Beirut’s desire to break free from Iranian hegemony may push it into a situation where it has to accept Israel’s hegemony.  

      Michael Young

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    How to Join the EU in Three Easy Steps

    Montenegro and Albania are frontrunners for EU enlargement in the Western Balkans, but they can’t just sit back and wait. To meet their 2030 accession ambitions, they must make a strong positive case.

      Dimitar Bechev, Iliriana Gjoni

  • Article
    Leveraging Internal Security Cooperation with Vietnam Offers a Glimpse of Future Chinese Diplomacy with Southeast Asia

    Despite long-standing differences, China and Vietnam are reinforcing common ground for collaboration, especially in public security. This internal security–centered diplomacy offers a strengthened road map for how China moves forward with Southeast Asia.

      Sophie Zhuang

  • Aerial shot of island community
    Commentary
    One Year After the Great Aid Recession, Investments in Climate Mobility Offer Cost-Effective Returns

    Climate mobility interventions can vary, but they all present opportunities to unlock transformative results that mitigate costs associated with inaction.

      • Alejandro Rodriguez

      Alejandro Martin Rodriguez

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.