In The Media
Lina Khatib
{
"authors": [
"Lina Khatib"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "menaTransitions",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center",
"programAffiliation": "MEP",
"programs": [
"Middle East"
],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"Gulf",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Yemen",
"Middle East"
],
"topics": [
"Political Reform",
"Security",
"Military",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}
Source: Getty
In The Media
Riyadh Is Setting Itself Up As Region’s Policeman
Saudi Arabia is saying that Gulf security is the Arab region’s security and, from now on, Arab states should look to Riyadh for direction to deal with the region’s political and security challenges.
By Lina Khatib
Published on Mar 29, 2015
Source: Independent
The Arab League’s declaration of the establishment of a joint Arab military force comes hot on the heels of the escalation of the Yemen conflict, but both Yemen and the league’s declaration are about more than stabilization. They are also about restoring Saudi influence in the Middle East.
Saudi Arabia used to be a major political broker in the region, but its role has declined in recent years largely as a result of internal power struggles within the royal family, which have meant its foreign policy sometimes lacked coherence. Yemen has witnessed the consequences of this.
The Saudis agreed that the 2011 uprising in Yemen against president Ali Abdullah Saleh threatened their interests and consequently led an initiative by the Gulf Cooperation Council to transfer power from Saleh to his deputy Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi. But they did not have a unified vision for what to do about Saleh. As a result, he stayed in Yemen and was able to lead his own political party and plan a comeback. Some Saudis also believed in keeping channels open with the Houthis, as they were opposed to the Muslim Brotherhood, while others painted the Houthis as dangerous proxies of Saudi’s nemesis, Iran.The incoherence in Saudi policy encouraged Saleh, the Houthis and Iran to try to increase their influence in Yemen. It also paved the way for extremist groups, namely Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and Islamic State (ISIS), to attempt to utilize Yemen as a hotbed of terrorism. The ensuing Houthi rebellion that began last September threatened to pull the country towards not just a civil war but also a regional conflict because of the involvement of transnational groups like AQAP and ISIS. This was a wake-up call for Saudi Arabia.
By leading a multinational force to quell the Houthi rebellion Saudi Arabia is making a show of decisiveness against those escalating threats. This is affirmed by the name given to the operation: “Decisive Storm.” The backing of the West gives Saudi’s position legitimacy. The participation of Sunni-majority countries such as Pakistan is also a strong message to Iran, that it cannot control the Sunni-majority Arab world, especially the Gulf.
The kingdom is saying that Gulf security is the Arab region’s security and, from now on, Arab states should look to Riyadh for direction to deal with the region’s political and security challenges.
About the Author
Lina Khatib
Former Director, Middle East Center
Khatib was director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. Previously, she was the co-founding head of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.
- Syria's Last Best Hope: The Southern Front
- The Islamic State’s Strategy: Lasting and ExpandingPaper
Lina Khatib
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Recasting American Power in Latin AmericaPaper
Washington needs to recognize that influence in the Western Hemisphere comes from presence, delivery, and reliability. It also must recognize that while the United States remains the key external actor, it no longer operates in a permissive environment and cannot presume deference from regional players who have other options, namely China.
Juan S. Gonzalez
- Have U.S.-Belarusian Negotiations Stalled?Commentary
Minsk clearly expected the dialogue with Washington to yield more results, in particular the lifting of EU sanctions and permission to export potash.
Artyom Shraibman
- A Black Sea Truce Is About Global Food Security, TooCommentary
A summer of escalation in the Black Sea has hurt Ukraine economically and is exacerbating world food security. A truce is needed—as is a broader reframing of Europe’s Ukraine strategy.
Thomas de Waal
- Three Ruptures and the End of Pax Americana in the Middle EastCommentary
As the U.S. stumbles in its war with Iran, we are likely to see an acceleration of its disengagement from the region.
Michael Young
- Who Puts Guardrails on AI?Commentary
Why governance of rapidly evolving technology will be distributed and complex.
Stewart Patrick, Scott Singer
