The Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program is a leading source of independent policy research, writing, and outreach on global democracy, conflict, and governance. It analyzes and seeks to improve international efforts to reduce democratic backsliding, mitigate conflict and violence, overcome political polarization, promote gender equality, and advance pro-democratic uses of new technologies.
Saskia Brechenmacher
Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Thomas Carothers
Harvey V. Fineberg Chair for Democracy Studies; Director, Democracy, Conflict and Governance Program
Mariano-Florentino (Tino) Cuéllar
President, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Steven Feldstein
Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Francis Fukuyama
Nonresident Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Brittany Gleixner-Hayat
Visiting Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Rachel Kleinfeld
Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Beatriz Magaloni
Nonresident Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Jennifer McCoy
Nonresident Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Mara Revkin
Nonresident Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Oliver Stuenkel
Visiting Scholar, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
Milan Vaishnav
Director and Senior Fellow, South Asia Program
Sarah Yerkes
Senior Fellow, Middle East Program
Richard Youngs
Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program
In recent years, multiple international indices have downgraded U.S. democracy. Polarization, accusations of voting irregularities, political violence, and other negative trends are having a corrosive influence on the state of U.S. democracy and leaders’ ability to govern, address domestic problems, and craft stable policies. This project brings together the work of scholars across the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace who analyze the problems afflicting U.S. democracy based on comparative perspectives and offer insights that can strengthen U.S. governing institutions and society.
In recent years, multiple international indices have downgraded U.S. democracy. Polarization, accusations of voting irregularities, political violence, and other negative trends are having a corrosive influence on the state of U.S. democracy and leaders’ ability to govern, address domestic problems, and craft stable policies. This project brings together the work of scholars across the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace who analyze the problems afflicting U.S. democracy based on comparative perspectives and offer insights that can strengthen U.S. governing institutions and society.
A one-stop source for following crucial trends in the most significant antigovernment protests worldwide since 2017.
Polarization is a mortal threat to democracy, and if the United States hopes to avoid violence and authoritarianism it needs to contemplate significant reforms to its political institutions and reinvigorate a commitment to a common purpose.
Four crucial signals can inform us about whether America’s authoritarian descent is real.
Today’s tech titans will do everything in their power to maintain their supremacy. But constraints from Europe and U.S. regulators, coercive pressure from China, Russia, and India, and the long arc of innovation belie an uncertain future.
Quick and transparent results, holding political actors accountable, curbing disinformation, and fostering cross-party collaboration are tools that any democracy can use to defuse tensions.
Democracies the world over are not being undone by disenchanted citizens but by leaders with predatory political ambitions that use all opportunities to defy constraints to their power.
The pre-willingness of America’s billionaire class to grovel before a strongman, even before they are forced to comply, shows just how quickly freedom of the press in America is likely to fold when confronted with any significant pressure.
The 16th BRICS Summit, which took place in the Russian city of Kazan, proved to be a symbolic diplomatic victory for Vladimir Putin.
Since Brazil co-founded the BRICS in 2009, Brazilian analysts and politicians have largely agreed that membership brought tangible benefits to the country—including closer ties to China. But as this year’s summit approaches, the costs are adding up.
A conversation about the potential for violence in these final days leading up to the election and in the days and weeks after Nov. 5.
A second Trump presidency would likely see the return of more explicit U.S. pressure on Latin American countries to pick sides in the brewing competition between the United States and China. That could create considerable friction in the region.