• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
Democracy
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Dmitri Trenin"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [
    "Eurasia in Transition"
  ],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "Middle East",
    "Israel",
    "Palestine",
    "East Asia",
    "China",
    "Russia",
    "Eastern Europe",
    "Ukraine",
    "Western Europe",
    "Germany"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Security",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Global Governance"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary
Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center

Takeaways From Munich-50

The 50th Munich Security Conference marked the charting of a course toward Berlin’s more robust engagement in the world, including with military means. At the same time, the conference was overshadowed by the unfolding crisis in Ukraine.

Link Copied
By Dmitri Trenin
Published on Feb 3, 2014
Project hero Image

Project

Eurasia in Transition

Learn More

This year's Munich Security Conference was remarkable in many ways. It was the 50th annual event. Two of its original participants, Henry Kissinger and Helmut Schmidt, were again on the podium—together with two other patriarchs, Egon Bahr and Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: among the four of them, an accumulated 370 years of human and political wisdom.

The conference also marked the beginning of a subtle, yet fundamental shift in the German foreign and security policy, with President Joachim Gauck, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen—Chancellor Angela Merkel stayed away this time—charting a course toward Berlin's more robust engagement in the world, including with military means.

Politically, the conference was overshadowed by the unfolding crisis in Ukraine, and its most spectacular moment came when Ukraine's opposition leader Vitali Klitschko and foreign minister Leonid Kozhara, seated together, painted very different pictures of what was happening in their country and asked each other tough questions.

I have taken away a lot from Munich. As I am flying across the Atlantic, however, let me share with you some of the quick quotes from the participants as they have stuck in my memory. These are not necessarily direct quotations, but I trust that the sense of the remarks has been essentially preserved.

Joachim Gauck, federal president of Germany:
“Germany is no island. Responsibility lies not only in acting, but also in abstaining from action.”
“Germany has acted effectively during the euro crisis. It needs to build on this to engage in other spheres too.”

Frank-Walter Steinmeier, German foreign minister:
“Germany is too big to sit on the sidelines on world issues. Military force is not the ultima ratio it used to be, but it can be used, with care.”
“Ukraine is a tinderbox, and the fuse is lit. There is no solution through violence in Ukraine.”

Laurent Fabius, French foreign minister:
"The EU should help the emergence of “organized multipolarity” in the currently non-polar world."

Anders Fogh Rasmussen, NATO secretary general:
“Russia should recognize the freedom of countries, such as Ukraine, to choose their alliances.”
“NATO is concerned about Russia's aircraft deployments in Belarus, Iskender missiles in Kaliningrad, the military build-up in the Arctic, and the development of new weapons systems.”

Sergey Lavrov, Russian foreign minister:
“The West appears to have decided for the Ukrainian people what their choice is. The EU does not condemn violent actions in Ukraine which are punishable in the West.”
“A free trade area between the EU and the emerging Eurasian Economic Union by 2020 is the best option for the 'lands between' Russia and the EU.”

John Kerry, U.S. secretary of state:
“The Ukrainian people should not be coerced. Make no mistake: the US stands together with the Ukrainians aspiring for democracy.”
“There should be a Transatlantic renaissance between the US and Europe based on shared prosperity, security, and values.”

Martin Indyk, U.S. president's special representative to the Middle East peace process:
“Engaging in the Middle East Peace Process requires a suspension of disbelief.”

Henry Kissinger, former U.S. secretary of state:
“China and Japan must learn the lesson from 1914 Europe and make sure they will never recourse to the use of force.”
“You should not go to war for the privilege of withdrawal. You need to define your objective and the outcome, and it cannot be the removal of one man.”

Helmut Schmidt, former West German chancellor:
“Population growth and the proliferation of mega-cities around the world redefines the entire global security agenda.”
“Whether NATO is around in 10 years is irrelevant, in view of the new security challenges.”

Zbigniew Brzezinski, former U.S. national security adviser:
“The Ukrainian opposition should adopt democratic unity as its main principle, and it also must have one leader.”
“The situation in Ukraine can only be resolved through a compromise: within Ukraine; between the EU and Russia; and between the United States and Russia. The West and Russia should also contribute money to jointly bail out Ukraine.”

David Milliband, former UK foreign secretary:
“The fundamental chasm in international relations today is that while the international system is designed to deal with conflicts between countries, most conflicts today happen within countries.”

Radek Sikorski, Polish foreign minister:
“The problem with humanitarian intervention is that when we have a quarrel with a head of state, we go to war against his country.”

Leonid Slutsky, chair, CIS Affairs Committee of the State Duma:
“The Ukrainian crisis is rooted in Western attempts to prevent Eurasian integration, in full accordance with Zbigniew Brzezinski's dictum that, without Ukraine, Russia cannot be an empire.”

Štefan Füle, EU commissioner for enlargement:
“Ukraine and other in Eastern Europe should be able to see the green light at the end of the tunnel. An EU membership perspective should be opened for them.”

There also have been a few lively exchanges between some of the panelists, such as:

Tzipi Livni, Israeli cabinet minister and principal negotiator with the Palestinians, to Saeb Erekat, the chief Palestinian negotiator:
“Show me a Palestinian map of the region with the word 'Israel' on it.”

Erekat to Livni:
“Show me the borders of Israel, and I will come up with such a map.”

German Foreign Minister Steinmeier to Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov:
“What binds Europe and Russia together?”

Lavrov to Steinmeier:
“We are bound by treaties and agreements.”

Ukraine's acting Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara to opposition leader Vitali Klitschko:
“Are you with the radicals and extremists or not? Are you ready to share responsibility with the government?”

Klitschko to Kozhara:
“The people have had enough of the present system in Ukraine.”

I must add that Klitschko also received the longest and the most enthusiastic applause from the audience at the Munich conference. He was also truly lionized by the media. Yet, everyone without exception—on the podium and off it—was very concerned about the dangers facing Ukraine, and how they might affect the rest of Europe. In private talks on the fringes of the conference, this was a central topic—alongside Iran and Syria.

The world's security summit is over. Wolfgang Ischinger, Germany's former deputy foreign minister and the forum's chair, should feel pleased. Munich has become the place for open dialogue and discreet exchanges on security issues around the world. This dialogue itself is an emblem of Germany stepping up as a political, not just economic power with a global reach. And there were about as many uniformed Bundeswehr officers in the audience as those with the U.S. military insignia. This does not mean, however, a "militarization" of Germany's foreign policy. As President Gauck has said, this is the best Germany that has ever existed in history. And he is certainly right.

About the Author

Dmitri Trenin

Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center

Trenin was director of the Carnegie Moscow Center from 2008 to early 2022.

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Mapping Russia’s New Approach to the Post-Soviet Space

      Dmitri Trenin

  • Commentary
    What a Week of Talks Between Russia and the West Revealed

      Dmitri Trenin

Dmitri Trenin
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
SecurityForeign PolicyGlobal GovernanceNorth AmericaUnited StatesMiddle EastIsraelPalestineEast AsiaChinaRussiaEastern EuropeUkraineWestern EuropeGermany

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    How Far Can Russian Arms Help Iran?

    Arms supplies from Russia to Iran will not only continue, but could grow significantly if Russia gets the opportunity.

      Nikita Smagin

  • Front of a damaged apartment building
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Is a Conflict-Ending Solution Even Possible in Ukraine?

    On the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Carnegie experts discuss the war’s impacts and what might come next.

      • +1

      Eric Ciaramella, Aaron David Miller, Alexandra Prokopenko, …

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    The Kremlin Is Destroying Its Own System of Coerced Voting

    The use of technology to mobilize Russians to vote—a system tied to the relative material well-being of the electorate, its high dependence on the state, and a far-reaching system of digital control—is breaking down.

      Andrey Pertsev

  • People in voting booths
    Commentary
    Emissary
    Indian Americans Still Lean Left. Just Not as Reliably.

    New data from the 2026 Indian American Attitudes Survey show that Democratic support has not fully rebounded from 2020.

      • +1

      Sumitra Badrinathan, Devesh Kapur, Andy Robaina, …

  • A young man uses Kimi, an AI grand model of artificial intelligence launched by Moonshot AI, in Shanghai, China, March 22, 2024.
    Article
    China Is Worried About AI Companions. Here’s What It’s Doing About Them.

    A new draft regulation on “anthropomorphic AI” could impose significant new compliance burdens on the makers of AI companions and chatbots.

      Scott Singer, Matt Sheehan

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600Fax: 202 483 1840
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.